The following just came in from LASNET (Latin American
Studies Network, a mailing list on the Internet).
Brief on the Protest March from Amazonian Ecuador to the Capital City of
Quito , 11 April - 23 April, 1992, plus information on the Quito
Activities
Norman Whitten Professor of Anthropology and Latin American Studies
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and Diego Quiroga Profesor de
Antropologia Universidad San Francisco de Quito 344-1828 244-3514
333-3616 (message) Fax: 244-3490
*** Background ***
Norman Whitten is a cultural anthropologist with more than twenty years
experience doing research with indigenous people in Amazonian Ecuador
and more than 30 years doing research with black and indigenous people
in Ecuador. Research over the past two decades has centered on
ecology, social organization, and culture of Canelos Quichua (Pastaza
Runa) and Achuar Jivaroan people of Pastaza Province, Amazonian
Ecuador. All of this work has been done in various rain-forest areas
radiating out of Puyo, the capital of Pastaza Province, and the most
dynamic town in Amazonian Ecuador. Diego Quiroga is a cultural
anthropologist with extensive experience in Ecuador, where he has worked
with black and indigenous peoples. Together they are trying to provide a
brief, daily update on the Protest March from Puyo to Quito. This
update supplements those on electronic mail circulated by various
Ecuadorian-based and U.S.-based organizations.
On April 11, 1992, Indigenous people of Pastaza Province (Canelos
Quichua, Achuar and Shiwiar Jivaroans) began a serious 230-mile march
from Puyo to Quito, the capital city of Ecuador. Attached is an bitnet
from The South and Mesoamerican Indian Information Center in Oakland,
California, that explains the essentials of the March. I am in touch
with colleagues and friends in Ecuador who have confirmed first-hand the
materials listed below.
*** Some general information on the March and its political-economic
setting and significance ***
The March is being led by the Organization of Indigenous People of
Pastaza (Organizacin de los Pueblos Indgenas de Pastaza), "OPIP," whose
president is Antonio Vargas. Principal Spokesman on the March is Carlos
Viteri.
In July and August, 1990, President of the Republic of Ecuador, Dr.
Rodrigo Borja Cevallos, and many of his associates spoke very
authoritatively and angrily against the position of OPIP and its call
for indigenous autonomy. I am not sure what the "national mood" is now
with regard to the indigenous March, though below I give a few notes
about the positive reception in Salcedo and the consternation expressed
in the press in Quito.
For more background information, Ecuador has scheduled its national
election for 17 May, a run-off election, if necessary, in June, and the
"assumption of office" ceremonies for 10 August. 10 August is Ecuador's
Independence Day. The indigenous march, coming at this time (before,
during, and after Easter weekend, and before the elections), would seem
to cut into the national political agenda in a severe manner.
*** Specific bits and pieces of information about the March, in more or
less chronological order: ***
% Some of the Marchers had to walk seven to ten days to reach Puyo;
some came from near the border of Amazonian Peru..
% On 8 April, three days before the March was to begin, The Brigada de
la Sel va (Brigade of the Jungle), #17, of Shell (four miles from Puyo;
the town is named after Shell Petroleum Company), militarized the
Puyo-Napo Road, the Puyo-Macas Road and occupied Union Base, which is
where the Confederation of Indigenous People of Amazonian Ecuador
(CONFENAIE) has its office, and where Antonio Vargas, the President of
OPIP, resides. The bilingual school in Union Base is also occupied by
the military. Troops guard all gas stations and other way-stations on
the route of the March.
% There has been no move to block the March itself by military or
police. There are two police cars in front of the March and two police
motorcycles. All traffic is stopped by the police until the March
passes, or the traffic is sent on a detour.
% The Ecuadorian Red Cross is on hand with the marchers to provide
emergency medical assistance, and contingent of Catholic Nuns is there,
as well.
% On 11 April, before the March began, Monseor Corral (Riobamba) spoke,
as did Luis Macas. Both asked the people and military and police of
Ecuador to respect the peaceful March, and affirmed that the chonta
lances were symbolic, that they were not weapons. Monseor Corral is a
prominent Liberation Theologist, and Luis Macas is the President of the
national Ecuadorian indigenous organization CONAIE (Confederation of
the Indigenous Nationalities of EcuadorQConfederacin de los
Nacionalidades Indgenas del Ecuador).
% The route of the March was East to West, from the Upper Amazon to the
Andean city of Ambato (first six days) and then South to North, Ambato
to Quito, using the Pan-American Highway through the Andes in the
valley between two Andean cordilleras.
% The March moved along smoothly. It left Puyo (Upper Amazonia) late
on the llth and spent the first night at Mera; arrived Ro Negro Sunday;
arrived Baos Monday. I am not altogether clear on Tuesday-Thursday, but
the Marchers spent at least one day, and perhaps two, in the Indigenous
zone of Salasaca (East of Ambato) on Tuesday and/or Wednesday, and spent
Thursday night in a highschool in Ambato. On Friday they left Ambato
and arrived in Salcedo; left Salcedo Saturday (18 April) and arrived in
Latacunga the same day. It spent Sunday in Latacunga, gaining more
indigenous people, and left early Monday morning, camping on the
experimental pine-forest area of the pramo at an altitude of about
12,000 feet. Tents were provided by the Rainforest Action Network. It
reached Machachi on Tuesday, and Guamani, on the outskirts of South
Quito on Wednesday. For the entry to Quito and what happens thereafter,
see later rubrics.
% Estimated number out of Puyo 800 by one report; joined by two hundred
at Salasaca. By Ambato they were joined by indigenous people from the
Provinces of Tungarahua, Chimborazo, and Cotapaxi. On Saturday they
were estimated at 2000-3000, but may, from time to time, have as many
as 5000, as many well-wishers join the March for a couple of miles. It
is not clear on how many marchers/campers were present on the entry to
Quito (see below).
% Between Latacunga and Quito the March will have to passed over the
pramo, going up to 13,000 feet altitude, where it could have encountered
severe weather, including hail storms or snow storms. Temperatures at
night dropped to freezing, and below. The route of the March is
flanked by spectacular snow capped peaks, the two highest of which
exceed 20,000 feet altitude.
*** Moods, motivations, etc. ***
% In 1990 there was a general Indigenous uprising, called Levantamiento
Indgena, in Ecuador, where between two and three million people staged a
major national protest over their living conditions and access to
resources. The government has not responded to any of the 16 Indigenous
requests over the past two years.
% The Marchers' original plan was to "camp" in the center of the old,
colonial sector of Quito, near the Presidential palace, until the
President and Ecuador address all 16 points of the Levantamiento, and
until the President, Congress, and other official agencies of the
Ecuadorian Government grant land and access to all public resources.
% Great consternation was manifested through the press in Quito, where
people asked "what will be done with all the indigenous people occupying
the center of the city?", which is also known as the "heart" of the
"city of humanitarianism." (see below for more information ).
% Not a negative comment was heard as the March went through Salcedo;
everything was upbeat and positive. First-hand reports indicate that the
March of Protest was "like a celebratory parade," people threw flowers
from balconies and from street sides, and cheered "long live the
March;" "Go to Quito indigenous people and claim your rights as
Ecuadorians!"
% The Indigenous people from the Amazonian Region of Pastaza are
leading the March; many are carrying palm-wood lances (symbol of
Amazonian indigenous independence) and wearing toucan headresses (ancient
symbol of Amazonian indigenous liberation). They are being joined by
Andean indigenous people in ponchos signifying their special region.
% There were rumors of another indigenous March from Northern Ecuador
to Quito to arrive on the same day (orignially, the 24th) as the
Amazonian March. This would represent the Quichua concept of tingkui,
the conjoining of two streams to form a swelling river. Water metaphors
are often used when indigenous people are engaged in enactment of a
system of power.
% In spite of great differences in the specifics of land claims in the
high Andes and Upper Amazonia, the native peoples of Ecuador are
marching in a sustained alliance over their indigenous being; their main
point being "After 500 years of Oppression, Indigenous Self-Determination
in 1992".
% While on the March, indigenous leaders have called for the
"demilitarization" of Pastaza Province, especially the roads leading in
and out of Puyo.
*** Quito just before the March arrived ***
% Before the March arrived in Quito Borja made an announcement about a
great expansion of bilingual education to be put under full and
exclusive indigenous control.
% For a day before the March reached Quito there were "contra-
manifestations" reported in the major newspapers Hoy and El
Comercio. These were staged by the organization FEDECAP, FENOC, AND
FOCIN, the former of which is a "peasant" organization that includes a
few native people from the Pastaza area, and the latter two are
protestant indigenous organiztions. The contra-manifestations had
previously taken place in Puyo on the day the March departed. They focus
on the need for distribution of land to families and to communities, as
opposed to vast territory controlled by exclusively by OPIP.
% One preoccupation in the Quiteo press was sanitation. It was
announced two days before the March reached Quito that the city would be
completely cleaned before the March entered, and that it would be kept
clean during the Camping of Marchers. On 22 April, the day before the
March arrived) an announcement was made that portable sanitation
facilities (potty houses) had arrived and would be set up in the
camp-site.
% Originally the March was to arrive in Quito on the 24th, March in
through South Quito to the Plaza de Independencia in front of the
National Palace, and then go to the Plaza San Francisco de Quito, which
is behind the national palace and adjacent to the Market named
"Ipiales". Then it was to go to the El Ejido Park for a program and
return to San Francisco to camp.
*** The March Reaches Quito ***
% The March left Guamani at 4:00 a.m. on 24 April. It entered Quito
early and reached the Plaza San Francisco de Quito at 9:30. Soon
thereafter the leaders, Luis Macas President of CONAIE, Velario Grefa,
President of CONFENIE, and Antonio Vargas, President of OPIP, and
apparently a few others, visited with the President, Dr. Rodrigo Borja
Cevallos, in the National Palace.
% The President offered them their land, and Grefa thanked him in very
grateful and moving words. The leaders returned to the Plaza San
Francisco and announced that the land would be given to indigenous
people and there was a great cheering, and much rejoicing.
% Then the March proceeded to El Ejido Park where a speach was made by
the President and where the details of the "gift" of land were announced
(below).
% All downtown Quito was heavily guarded by police in full battle-gear,
including helmits, face masks, and shields. Few, however, carried
firearms. It was exceedingly difficult to get through the police to
speak or even see the Marchers.
% The Marchers movement was facilitated by the police; no Marcher was
impeded.
*** Details on the President's messages ***
% The President can do nothing about changing the Constitution to make
Ecuador a "multi-national state"; only the Congress can do this.
% With regard to the land transfer (this comes from the morning edition
of El Comercio, 24 April, which was being scanned and read to me at 7:15
a.m.), the March and encounter with the President represents a Dilogo
Positivo, a positive dialogue.
% Specifically, the Government has now set up a 15 day study to be
undertaken by a Frente Social, composed of the Government, the Ministry
of Government, the Department of Defense, the program for Health and
Welfare, and IERAC.
*** Commentary ***
% It should be noted that, for many years now, and especially since the
confrontational meeting that resulted in the Acuerdo de Sarayacu in
early May of 1989, OPIP has specifically opposed IERAC and its presence
in every single context of negotiation over indigenous lands, social
justice, and indigenous rights.
% 15 days counting weekends goes to 9 May.
% But 15 days, beginning, Monday, 27 April, and exclucing weekends,
takes the date to 15 May, just two days before the national election.
% It would appear that 15 days would be a long time for indigenous
people to camp in the El Ejido Park, and the "full 15 work days"), or 21
real days ia a week longer. This is a very long time for people to
camp in tents in El Ejido Park, or anywhere else.
% After 17 May Borja will be serving in "lame duck" status. It may not
be clear who will be President until after a run-off election to be held
in June. And then it would be rare to have any action taken such as
turning over Ecuadorian territory to Indigenous people until the new
congress and new President assume office on 10 August.
% After the 10th of August, the Congress will have to elect its
President and Vice President, and this can (and usually is) a very
dramatic and even violent period within the Congress. It is common for
Congress to begin its term, and for the new President to begin his term,
by rejecting and denouncing activities, especially recent ones, by the
ex-congressmen and ex-congresswomen, and by the ex-president.