[ originally received in four parts --Gary ]
ACADEMIA MEXICANA DE DERECHOS HUMANOS, A.C.
SPECIAL BULLETIN CHIAPAS' CONFLICT
NUMBER 2, YEAR 1, JANUARY 16TH-24TH, 1994.
FIRST OF FOUR PARTS
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CONTENTS
MANY VOICES
CHRONOLOGY
THE ACTORS AND THE FACTS
DIRECTORY OF HUMAN RIGHTS INSTITUTIONS
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MANY VOICES
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The armed conflict in Chiapas due to the uprising of the
Zapatista National Liberation Army at the beginning of this year,
has seriously affected respect for human rights.
Within this situation we have seen outstanding actions on the
part of civil organizations, non-governmental organizations who
have stated that civil society must act. The seriousness of the
events themselves call for a greater participation of this sector.
The main focus during the time period of this bulletin is on the
clamor for the suspension of hostilities of both belligerent groups
where the civilian population is caught right in the middle.
The actions of the Mexican Army has lead to control of the
villages located within combat areas. It is within this area that
there have been denouncements of robbery and aggression aimed at
the EZLN. Most of the denouncements, however, are directed at the
federal army.
The Mexican Army has blocked access to villages, preventing
freedom of movement. Sick persons requiring medical attention are
preventing from receiving such since they cannot leave their towns.
Other groups go hungry as food becomes scarce. The most significant
denouncements are related to attempts against physical safety and
freedom. But other serious denouncements include disregard for the
assumption that a person is innocent until proven guilty and
detention with torture of indigenous peasants. The Mexican Army is
considered responsible for such actions.
Another event that has had unfortunate consequences is that
referring to the call by officials for anyone to anonymously
denounce persons that could possibly be members of the EZLN or are
related to the EZLN. Newspaper reports indicate that the climate of
persecution has increased in the highlands of Chiapas. The Mayor of
Oxchuc has apparently arrested people on accusations of this type.
Manuel Camacho, Commissioner for Peace and Reconciliation in
Chiapas, stated that he is opposed to this mechanism of accusation.
Even the Special Autonomous Commission of President Salinas has
asked the Attorney General's Office to retract the bulletin which
stated that it would guarantee the anonymity of individuals with
information about persons possibly implicated with the EZLN.
There are many denouncements that detail the mistreatment of
indigenous persons by the Mexican Army. These include the breaking
into homes, the stealing or destroying of food as well as the
destruction of domestic articles. There have been arbitrary
detentions accompanied by beatings and torture and persons have
been held incommunicado. The National Human Rights Commission
stated that it had received 138 denouncements for the violation of
individual guarantees and for the disappearance of 329 persons. Two
hundred and seven of these persons have been placed in different
detention centers. There have been criticisms, however, stating
that the National Human Rights Commission is a limited body and is
making no serious effort to defend human rights in the tragic
situation of Chiapas.
According to reports of families, the army has used violence
against many of those who have been arbitrarily detained. We do not
have information as to the number of detained persons nor to where
they are being held. They have virtually disappeared. Upon their
release, seventeen Tzeltales from Oxchuc who had been unjustly
detained by the Mexican Army and then handed over to the Attorney
General's Office, asked that legal action be taken against their
municipal authorities that "deceitfully accused them of belonging
to the EZLN."
Various persons and groups from outside of Mexico have
traveled to the area to verify the human rights situation and have
issued a strong condemnation: Morris Tidball Binz from Amnesty
Internationa; the Canadian Catholic Organization, Development and
Peace; the Inter-Church Committee on Human Rights;the Human Rights
League from Quebec; the United Church of Canada, the Canadian
Catholic Bishops' Conference; U.S. Congressman, Joseph Kennedy. One
person stated that, "One cannot deny that there is a violation of
human rights in Mexico." Another person remarked that,"Mexico is an
example of impunity, a lack of justice and the violation of human
rights."
Many non-governmental organizations, political and union
organizations, urban groups, women's groups and intellectuals have
all repeatedly demanded respect for human rights in Chiapas.
In the meeting held by the new interim Governor of Chiapas, Javier
Lopez Moreno, with 278 representative groups of indigenous persons
and peasants, there was a brief analysis of the situation. The
representatives seriously questioned federal, state and municipal
administrations and stated that they recognized the legitemacy of
the actions of the members of the EZLN "who had no other option
left open to them." They stated that, "the violence is the
government's fault." The representatives demanded punishment for
all authorities that had violated the human rights of peasants and
indigenous persons. At the end of the meeting, fiery voices
demanded the withdrawal of the Mexican Army.
In the Mexican southwest many voices cried out for the defense
of human rights. New organization and actors appeared on the scene
asking for the respect of human rights. They also look for ways of
preventing a return to the situation that originally provoked the
crisis.
Sonia P rez Toledo
Le"n T llez
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CHRONOLOGY
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January 16, 1994
Three Chiapas peasants denounced their arbitrary detention by the
Mexican Army on January 6 in Altamirano to the National Human
Rights Network.
Official figures about the number of war victims are surpassed by
testimonies. The National Human Rights Commission uncovered eleven
bodies at a mass grave site. The Ministry of Defense rejected
accusations about its participation in human rights violations. It
censored its accusers (different media and private national and
international organizations) "supposed human rights advocates," and
stated that these deceitful attitudes do not consider the fact that
the confrontations of the transgressors constitute flagrant human
rights violations of the Chiapas community.
The Bishop of Tapachula, Felipe Arizmendi asked the EZLN to lay
down their arms to initiate a dialogue. He also asked the Mexican
Army "not to exterminate any minority ethnic group because such
would be sinful." He denounced the fact that Bishop Samuel Ruiz as
well as many other priests, religious brothers and sisters and
catechists from San Cristobal de las Casas have been the object of
"persecutions" by political and economic power groups in Chiapas.
Presidential candidate, Cuauhtemoc Cardenas, asked President
Salinas for a report on supposed war crimes and stated that no one
is obliged to obey any order that is not within the legal
framework.
One hundred and twenty-eight independent indigenous organizations
from Chiapas delivered their resolutions to the Special Autonomous
Commission. The demands includes the following: the pacification of
areas in conflict; amnesty for the belligerent parties and
withdrawal of federal troops; respect for human rights; a new
relationship between the State and society; the creation of a State
Council of Independent Organizations which would fight for the
pacification of Chiapas and offer solutions for the economic and
social development of indigenous communities. The organizations
also gave their support of Bishop Samuel Ruiz.
A delegation of members of the Canadian Catholic Organization,
Development and Peace; the Inter-Church Committee on Human Rights
in Latin America; the Human Rights League from Quebec; the United
Church of Canada and the Canadian Catholic bishop's Conference
visited Ocosingo. They stated that the majority of human rights
violations had been directed against indigenous people. The
Multi-Sector Coordinating Group, composed of academic groups,
grass-root and neighborhood groups and human rights organizations
marched to the Zocalo (Mexico City's main square) demanding that
the federal government recognize the EZLN as a "belligerent Party"
as a step towards pacification in Chiapas and for a halt to the
militarization in Oaxaca, Veracruz, Hidalgo, San Luis Potosi,
Michoacan and Guerrero.
Different organizations marched in Tabasco and Chihuahua to demand
a total cease-fire and respect for human rights.
January 17, 1994
The National Defense Ministry stated that it would continue to
provide aid to the Chiapas population and that it had received
denouncements of aggressions against civilians supposedly committed
by the "transgressors," as it calls the members of the EZLN.
The CNDH stated that ten of the eleven bodies uncovered in
Ocosingo, were members of the EZLN, killed in combat, and that none
of the bodies show signs of execution.
President Carlos Salinas offered general amnesty for all who had
participated in the armed uprising in the various municipalities of
Chiapas "from January 1, 1994 to 11 o'clock a.m. today, January
16."
In a demonstration "for peace and human rights", in Tuxtla
Gutierrez, artists, writers, journalists and representatives of
civilian human rights organizations in Chiapas demanded respect for
the human rights and for the constitutional guarantees of the
Chiapas people, for journalists and Red cross workers and for
civilians. They also called for respect of the dignity of
indigenous peoples; a cease-fire and an end to hostilities in
Altamirano and Ocosingo, where confrontations continued.
Peace Commissioner, Manuel Camacho Solis, stated that there were
already at least four points of consensus for peace: 1. No return
to the previous situation and the need for a peace with justice; 2.
Carrying out the changes needed for pacification on a political
level; Carrying out administrative and governmental tasks under the
law; 4. Building channels for effective and authentic participation
of the different indigenous groups as part of an effort to improve
democratic life in Chiapas.
The climate of persecution in the Chiapas highlands increased when
authorities called upon people to make anonymous declarations to
the Army. This body initiated detentions against those who were
said to be members of the EZLN.
Marches were held in Juchitan, Guadalajara and Torreon in demand of
a peaceful and political solution to the armed conflict. Campaigns
for the collection of foodstuffs and medicines were launched for
those affected by the war.
The Council of Mayan Organizations from Guatemala asked the U.N.
and the O.A.S. to send international observers to Chiapas.
END OF FIRST PART.
amdh (internet: amdh@laneta.apc.org)
SPECIAL BULLETIN CHIAPAS' CONFLICT
NUMBER 2, YEAR 1, JANUARY 16TH-24TH, 1994.
SECOND OF FOUR PARTS
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CHRONOLOGY, SECOND PART
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January 18, 1994
The EZLN sent a series of proposals for dialogue to Manuel Camacho,
Commissioner for Peace. He stated that, "that they are serious
points backed by good will.... we will consider them and make
decisions and carry out actions that will lead to an agreement." In
response to the initiatives announced by President Salinas for
pacification, the EZLN proposed the creation of "a negotiating
commission that would serve as an intermediator with the
government." The EZLN stated that it was in favor of the unilateral
cease-fire decreed by the President and asked Bishop Samuel Ruiz to
participate in the negotiating commission. It clarified that fact
that Samuel Ruiz was invited not as a religious figure but as a
Mexican patriot. The EZLN asked that Mexican society propose its
"best men and women" to help in "a political solution of the
conflict."
The EZLN also sent a document to the President of the United
States, William Clinton stating that "the support of the U.S.
people and government in relation to the the Mexican government
only stains their hands with indigenous blood."
Rigoberta Menchu publicly announced her indigenous initiative for
peace in Chiapas. The main objective of this initiative is to
defend the individual guarantees of the indigenous peoples in
Chiapas. She asked the government, the Mexican Army and the EZLN to
respect the autonomous and peaceful character of the initiative
that guarantees the safety and free movement of the population in
the areas of conflict and in those zones where there are displaced
indigenous persons.
The bill that the President sent to congress, conditions the
benefits on the surrendering of all arms, explosives, instruments
and any other objects used to commit crimes, within a period of 30
days. It establishes that the Attorney General will be in charge
supervising the process of pardon. In the process, legal and
administrative authorities will cancel warrants for arrest and will
release prisoners.
The leader the Mexican Workers' Federation (CTM), Fidel Velazquez
rejected the general amnesty for the rebels in Chiapas. He
considers that the conflict has hurt the campaign of Luis Donaldo
Colosio and stated that the rebels should be "exterminated."
The caravan "for peace, justice and democracy," composed of 150
urban grass-root organizations from Mexico City, arrived at San
Cristobal de las Casas with 10 tons of food, medicine and clothing.
Indigenous persons from the Tzeltal ethnic group denounced that
they had been mistreated by the army in their villages. Some of
these persons gave their names, while others would only speak out
if they could remain anonymous. The Mexican Army maintains its
blockade of highways and access roads. The only people to leave
villages were 39 peasants who were taken away in helicopters,
accused of being "Zapatistas."
The Canadian Inter-Church Committe on Human Rights in Latin America
(ICCHRLA) stated that with the increase in poverty in the
countryside and the conflict surrounding the land question, there
has been an increase in rural repression especially against the
poor and the indigenous peoples.
January 19, 1994
Manuel Camacho announced that he acknowledged the official status
of the EZLN. He did not make clear, however, if the Mexican
government recognizes it as a "belligerent force".
The EZLN explained to Camacho Sol!s that "the cease fire and the
temporary suspension of bombing, if actually honored by federal
authoritiess, meet two of the established conditions... To form the
National Intermediation Commission... we demand to be recognized as
a belligerent force... They have not stopped referring to us as
violators of the law. We recognize federal government officials as
representatives of one of the parties in conflict. What status does
the federal government confer on our Zapatista National Liberation
Army?" they asked.
Interim governor, Elmar Setzer, submitted his resignation to the
state congress and was substituted by the "pri!sta" Javier L"pez
Moreno, who declared that state powers would be based at the
municipality of Ocosingo. During the process to elect the new
governor, the PRD representative voted in favor of EZLN's deputy
commander Marcos.
United States Ambassador in Mexico, James Jones stated that Mexican
authorities "did not violate any agreement" subscribed to with
Washington, by using helicopters for the fight against drug
trafficking during the armed conflict in Chiapas. The National
Human Rights Commission (CNDH) pledged itself to monitor the
amnesty for those who participated in the confrontations of the
Chiapas highlands and see that it is fully observed with due regard
for citizens' rights. In the case of people arrested but not
convicted at the Cerro Hueco prision, the Commission said they must
be set free once the amnesty goes into effect. PRD president,
Porfirio Mu$oz Ledo, said that his party would propose changes in
the bill on amnesty. Ra#l Ortega, photo-journalist of La Jornada
received an anonymous death threat.
The Ministry of Social Development (Sedeso) in its bulletin, Gaceta
de Solidaridad, stated that the poverty of Indians in Chiapas "was
an excuse for the [armed] movement." It is a "political-military
project implemented from the outside among Indian groups, without
actually representing them." Backwardness and poverty were used
"for recruiting, sturring up animosity, reactivating differences
and offering vague promises of improvement." The struggle of the
Zapatista National Liberation Army "does not seem to be a movement
of the poor, but rather the manipulation of poverty, isolation and
hardship."
Outside the National Defense Ministry, members of the National
Women's Assembly demonstrated in favor of a peaceful solution to
the Chiapas conflict and the withdrawal of military forces to their
quarters.
January 20, 1994
President Salinas appointed Beatriz Paredes Rangel as president of
the National Commission for Global Development and Social Justice
of Indigenous Peoples, created by presidential decree. This
Commission will coordinate actions and establish policies required
in the sphere of public administration to promote, protect and
encourage the global development of indigenous peoples and improve
their living conditions, particularly with regard to social
aspects.
The Citizens' Network for Human Rights in Chiapas from the state of
Morelos report 20 cases of civilians who were "attacked, arrested,
reported missing or killed by the Federal Army" in Ocosingo and
Altamirano. Some of the deceased were secretly buried in the
Ocosing cemetery "with the sanction of the National Human Rights
Commission." This organization declared that the behavior of the
CNDH "leaves much to be desired."
The European Parliament of Strasbourg asked Mexican authorities to
put an end to human rights violations, and to allow access to areas
of conflict for national and international human rights
organizations, the Church and the media."
The Independent Democratic Movement stated that the belligerent
attitude assumed by the EZLN is the product of serious economic and
political problems which are the responsibility of the Mexican
government (in power since 1917). It considers that the Mexican
government is not open to dialogue since it is asking the EZLN for
unconditional surrender. It repudiated the bombing which affects
civilians and condemned the killing of defenseless prisioners in
Ocosingo. It also asked the Mexican Army and government to respect
individual guarantees and political freedom.
Civil organizations from the state of Morelos demanded inmediate
ceasing of all military activity in the country and a halt to the
bombing in Chiapas; negotiations with the EZLN instead of
unconditional surrender; immediate withdrawal of the Army from
areas in conflict; respect for the human rights of the civil
population and the belligerent parties and general amnesty for all
EZLN members; reinstallation of individual guarantees in Chiapas;
recognition by the Mexican government of the demands of indigenous
groups, whether rebel or not; application of article 33 of the
Constitution to Ger"nimo Prigione for interferring in internal
political affairs and for democracy based on free elections agreed
upon by all parties and sectors of society.
Democrat Congressman, Joseph Kennedy, stated that "one cannot deny
that there is a systematic violation of human rights in Chiapas.
The CNDH has not undertaken complete investigations and the
likelihood that it may do so is remote. The indigenous peoples and
the Mexican people do not believe there can be any justice or that
their vote really has any value."
Luis Guti rrez, general director of Unom suno, received a telephone
threat stating that he should no longer publish information about
the guerrilla war.
The Fray Francisco de Vitoria Center of Human Rights reported that
during the armed conflict in Chiapas it has verified that 12
persons were arrested-disappeared, eight were tortured, six were
arbitrarily executed and six civilians possibly suffered violent
deaths" indisputably by the federal military."
The Mexican Army sent more tanks, jeeps, artillery and combat
vehicles to zones in conflict and other areas where it had learned
about plans of "transgressor groups" to carry out armed attacks
against the villages of Yajal"n, Sabanillas and Venustiano
Carranza.
The Emiliano Zapata Peasant Organization declared that it is false
that it has any links with the EZLN and denounced that members of
the Mexican Army have invaded the locations of Chalam, Del Carmen,
Ed n del Carmen, Carrizal and R!o Florida, where they have broken
into households and beaten men, stating that they are "Zapatistas."
A pluralistic group of legislators (El Grupo Plural) recommended 16
measures which would put an end to injustice and social
inequalities. Some of these measures include the following: the
powers of the state of Chiapas should approve provisions tantamount
to the Amnesty Law; there should be a redifinition of the
relationship of the Mexican State with indigenous ethnic groups,
not only within the region but throughout the country; there should
be compensation for civil and moral damages suffered by persons
affected by the violent events.
Upon their release, 17 Tzeltal indigenous persons of Oxchuc,
delivered by the Mexican Army to the Attorney<%0> General's Office
asked the Negotiating Commission for Peace and Reconciliation to
press charges against municipal authorities who "deceitfully"
accused them of pertaining to the EZLN.
END OF SECOND PART
amdh (internet: amdh@laneta.apc.org)
SPECIAL BULLETIN CHIAPAS' CONFLICT
NUMBER 2, YEAR 1, JANUARY 16TH-24TH, 1994
THIRD OF FOUR PARTS
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CHRONOLOGY, LAST PART
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January 21, 1994
Upon declaring that the Amnesty Law "will help us to find peace,"
Manuel Camacho stated that "we must ask for forgiveness from
indigenous groups and communities for all the suffering they have
undergone."
The EZLN confirmed that it was willing to dialogue and that it
officially recognizes Camacho Sol!s as Commissioner for Peace and
Reconciliation in Chiapas, and as a legitimate mediator. However,
it warned that it might reconsider the cease fire if bombing and
arrests of civilians by the Federal Army continue.
The EZLN considered that the process started by Samuel Ruiz and
Camacho Sol!s focuses on justice and respect. It believes that the
Amnesty Law is "premature" at the present stage of the dialogue
since the political and social causes that produced the conflict
still prevail. They also reported "new violations of the cease fire
by the Army." On the other hand, Camacho Sol!s widely commended the
Mexican Army for its performance in Chiapas and said that the
government has only one line, that of negotiation. In a meeting
with President Salinas, 41 indigenous leaders of the Chiapas
highlands and the Lacandon jungle area demanded the immediate
demilitarization of areas in conflict, amnesty for rebels and the
recognition of the EZLN as a political force. "We believe that
("Zapatistas") are the synthesis of the anger of all the people who
have suffered for so many years."
Three weeks after the onset of the armed conflict, the CNDH has
received 138 reports of violations of individual guarantees. At the
same time 349 persons were reported missing, 207 of whom have
already been located at different detention centers.
The Amnesty Law proposed by President Salinas was passed by the
Congress with important modifications which make it "flexible" and
establish precise parameters, terms and periods. This law will
benefit all those who participated in the armed uprising of Chiapas
between January 1st and 3:00 p.m. of January 20th, and enables the
Executive power to form a commission that will coordinate the
application of the law, in place of the Attorney General. There are
no pre-establised timetables which eliminated the 30 day period
that had originally been established.
January 22, 1994
Adolfo Su rez, President of the Mexican Bishops' Conference,
declared that the conflict "cannot be solved overnight" without
questioning what kind of country should be built. Together with
Felipe Arizmendi, Bishop of Tapachula, they mentioned the need to
broaden agrarian reform and to review Article 27 of the
Constitution, which refers to the "ejido" (common land).
The Mexican Senate passed the Amnesty Law.
Teachers affiliated to the SNTE (National Union of Education
Workers) demonstrated in Mexico City demanding peace in Chiapas.
Representatives of Chapter Committees and members of Women in
Action for Mexico (Mujeres en Acci"n por M xico) travelled to
Chiapas in what was called the Caravan of Mexicans for Peace.
The Mexican Inter-religious Council expressed its total support of
Camacho Sol!s and offered prayers to help him achieve peace in
Chiapas.
January 23, 1993
President Salinas formally constituted the Commission for Amnesty
and Reconciliation in Chiapas, integrated by the Ministers of
Internal Affairs and Social Development, as well as by the Attorney
General and the Directors of Agrarian Affairs, the National
Institute for Indigenous Peoples and the National Commission for
the Global Development and Social Justice of Indigenous Peoples.
Manuel Camacho sent a message to the leadership of the EZLN stating
that both he and Bishop Samuel Ruiz are willing to "go to any site
indicated by this group."
Rigoberta Mench# listened to testimonies from the people of Oxchuc
about violations by the Army, in which they arrested two persons
who are reported missing.
The Miguel A. Pro Center for Human Rights denounced that the
authorities of Oxchuc continue arresting civilians accusing them of
belonging to the EZLN. Inhabitants denounced unwarranted military
search of households.
The National Office of Non-Governmental Organizations for Refugee
Aid (Coordinadora Nacional de Organismos no Gubernamentales de
Ayuda a Refugiados, Conogar) demanded that the Mexican government
and the United Nations High Comissioner for Refugees provide
greater protection for the 25 camps of Guatemalan refugees in
Chiapas to prevent "the triggering of a xenophobic campaign"
against that population.
Amnesty International concluded that Mexico is an example of
impunity, injustice and violation of human rights. "Institutions in
charge of administering justice almost categorically fail to punish
and sanction violations of human rigths." Morris Tidball-Binz,
Commissioner of Amnesty International for Mexico, Venezuela and
Chile, said that this situation, transferred to the Chiapas
countryside, can be considered a crisis one, on the basis of
concrete information. Therefore, it is not unusual to hear about
violent demonstrations by a population which has been beaten,
tortured and denied the right of appeal for justice. "This does not
justify an armed rebellion, but it explains it."
Full of fear, despair and hunger, a group of indigenous people from
Oxchuc talked to Manuel Camacho Sol!s, Commisioner for Peace and
Reconciliation in Chiapas, and asked, "Please do something, sir. We
had to leave our homes and things back there because the Army broke
into our houses. We are afraid." Indigenous persons stated that
people from different towns come to San Crist"bal because Army
elements threaten them and the CNDH does nothing. NGO's informed
Camacho that the inhabitants of locations in the vicinity of San
Crist"bal and Ocosingo left their homes due to aggressions from the
military. They asked Camacho to cancel the TV spot that "invites"
people to give information about those related with the EZLN
"because it is used against innocent people."
More than 20,000 teachers and parents demonstrated in the capitals
of Jalisco, Baja California Sur and Durango in support of peace and
to demand justice for the peasants of Chiapas.
The Amnesty Law went into effect. This law covers all those
involved in violent acts committed in different municipalities of
Chiapas. It was passed by the Mexican Congress after its
publication in the government's daily bulletin, Diario Oficial de
la Federaci"n.
January 24, 1994
In contrast to the enthusiasm shown in previous days, Manuel
Camacho talked about "a possible stagnation" in the peace process
of Chiapas. He said this is reflected by three concerns. "The
Amnesty Law may become a straight-jacket which encumbers the
process of negotiation, the agenda and the political standing of
the Commissioner."
Camacho received complaints against the Mexican Army from a group
of women who informed him that after an inspection of Altamirano
they saw "that the population fears the Army." They demanded an end
to militarization in that state.
Before a crowd of 5,000 persons, who participated in a silent walk
for peace, Felipe Aguirre, Bishop of Tuxtla Guti rrez, stated his
disapproval of "armed and institutionalized" injustice and called
upon rebels to lay down arms.
Cardinal Ernesto Corripio considered that, as in any human
happening, the peace and reconciliation process of Chiapas will be
"gradual" and stated that the achievement of peace and justice "is
the task of all Mexicans." He emphasized that the unjust conditions
that create poverty and the existing divisions hinder the
reconciliation process.
Members of chapters 5, 38 and 42 of the SNTE demonstrated in
Saltillo and Chihuahua to demand a peaceful solution of the armed
conflict and that the social inequalities which brought about
violence be addressed. The service for peace sponsored by the
country's Catholic hierarchy drew around 3,000 persons in Oaxaca
and Tehuantepec, approximately 2,500 people in Le"n, Guanajuato,
and filled the cathedral of Cuernavaca with believers.
The 278 groups attending the II Meeting of Indigenous and Peasant
Organizations of Chiapas severely questioned the federal, state and
municipal governments. They told the acting governor, Javier Lopez
Moreno, that they recognized "the courage of EZLN members, who did
not have any other choice. It is because of them that we are here."
They decided to support the "Zapatistas," not with arms but through
dialogue. The delegates asked for the punishment and dismissal of
all municipal presidents and authorities that have violated the
human rights of indigenous persons and peasants, and that all
simulated "latifundios" be distributed.
NOTE: Information systematized and written by Servicios
Informativos Procesados, A.C. (SIPRO).
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THE ACTORS AND THE FACTS
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In our first special bulletin we talked about the role of the
main actors in the Chiapas conflict during the first two weeks of
1994. The following week, events continued to evolve at a very
rapid pace. With the designation of Manuel Camacho Solis as the
Commissioner for Peace and Reconciliation, many actors who had
initially played an important role in the main events withdrew from
the limelight. This designation was also indirectly supported by
the resignations of the Minister of Internal Affairs (Secretario de
Gobernacion) and the Interim Governor of Chiapas. At the same time,
the official mediating Commission, designated by the government in
the beginning of January, lost importance.
The Commissioner's basic task was to implement measures that
would lead to political negotiations. The change in presidential
policy in turn lead to a shift of the Army's role in the conflict.
>From that point on, the Army's new role was to be defined by the
Executive power. Public announcements emphasized the Army's aid to
civilians. Its presence in the area, however, continues to be quite
evident and overwhelming. Denouncements about continuing attacks
and detentions, which in some cases include human rights
violations, persist. Thus, under the pretext of providing
protection and maintaining law and order, there has been a sealing
off of the area as well as a tight control over the population.
This is being monitored by groups and non-governmental
organizations. Such apparently passive control has meant
restrictions on the freedom of movement of both persons and goods.
Daily work is pervaded by a climate of intimidation. All of this
has been documented by testimonies transcribed by different
non-governmental groups.
The change in the government's position initially began with
a unilateral cease-fire and later with an initiative of amnesty for
all parties involved in the conflict. Measures were intended to
demonstrate an openness to participate in a process of dialogue and
negotiation with the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN). The
newly designated Governor of Chiapas directed his attention towards
such efforts. Most relevant has been the presentation of a bill for
amnesty in the state legislature. This is a necessary addition to
the bill presented in both Houses by the federal government.
Although the rebel groups had also simultaneously declared a
cease-fire, the mechanisms involved in the communication of this
announcement caused the declaration to appear days later. Since
that time, however, there have been many declarations and
communiques as well as specific responses to the Commissioner. Most
of these declarations by been signed by Second Commander Marcos,
who has become the EZLN's spokesperson.
In the area of mediation there has also been a significant
change in the last couple of days. The acceptance of both the EZLN
and the Commissioner of Samuel Ruiz Garcia, Bishop of San Cristobal
as mediator, has helped communication between the parties. On the
other hand, this role redefined the Catholic hierarchy's role in
the conflict since Bishop Ruiz now has the support of the Mexican
Bishops' Conference, especially that of Cardenal Archbishop,
Ernesto Corripio Ahumada. The Bishop himself, stated that this
places him right in the center where the different sides must come
together to work out a solution to the conflict. This displaced
other figures in the hierarchy that had initially appeared at
different moments.
END OF THIRD PART
amdh (internet: amdh@laneta.apc.org)
* Origin: Acad Mex Derechos Humanos, AC (3:970/4.193)
SPECIAL BULLETIN CHIAPAS' CONFLICT
NUMBER 2, YEAR 1, JANUARY 16TH-24TH, 1994
LAST PART
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THE ACTORS AND THE FACTS, SECOND PART
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The first real test in the negotiation process was an attempt
to ask the rebels to free the former Governor of Chiapas, General
Absalon Castellanos. It would be a first step and would suppose
some type of exchange on both sides. Here we can see difficulties
in the negotiation process as concrete proposals are made. The
presence of non-governmental organizations has contributed to a
greater observance of respect for human rights in the region.
Nevertheless, these organizations have denounced the difficulties
they have faced in carrying out their work. The National Human
Rights Commission (Governmental) does not appear to have the
resources nor the jurisdiction to support tasks related to the
protection of human rights. A clearer handling of such tasks would
increase credibility in this respect on a national as well as on an
international level. The protection of the civilian population, so
in need of resources due to generalized conditions of poverty,
requires urgent attention from both the national and international
communities. Personal safety is one factor, but there is also the
whole question of survival since various villages have been
isolated or cut off from supply networks. Many different sectors
have begun to address the demands and listen to the conditions of
the indigenous communities. Today, people have begun to recognize
the seriousness and extension of the marginalization of these
peoples. Racist and discriminatory expressions so deeply entrenched
in colonizing sectors, are now being condemned. The President
created a special Commission to oversee indigenous affairs and
named the person who would be responsible for implementing the
decrees related to amnesty. The active presence of Rigoberta
Menchu, Nobel Peace Prize winner, 1992, has contributed in drawing
attention to respect for the rights of indigenous peoples,
especially those of the area. Her position as well as that of the
UNHCR have been vital in disproving the lies that the struggle
involves foreigners, particularly those involving the participation
of Guatemalan refugees living in the region. Both parties have
emphasized the refugees great desire to continue with their process
of return to Guatemala. The refugees, however, cannot but help
being involuntary victims within the climate of fear and
uncertainty.
The work of some media continues to be outstanding in
maintaining a continuous and professional coverage of the events.
Some of the press, however, has taken on the role of providing a
forum for different figures that situate the conflict within the
dynamics of national politics. For such people, the debate falls
within party interests. In general, this contributes very little to
having a well informed public, and does not promote a real search
for solutions. The Commissioner has not escaped from a questioning
of his role and the political implications surrounding it. He has
stated that he is not interested in the presidential candidacy, and
has emphatically declared that his work is of a vary precise and
specific nature. Other sectors have been adding fuel to this fire
as a means of demonstrating the weakness of the dominant sector.
Other institutions and persons have participated in what could be
called a battle for information which has caused confusion during
different moments of the conflict by publishing false or
non-confirmed happenings.
The attention of civil society in different regions continues
to show an unfolding interest in this event that stirred an entire
nation - an event that in many people's opinion has transformed the
country's reality. The popular mobilizations underline the
importance of a serious solution that goes far beyond repressive
measures. Meanwhile, the climate of instability in relation to
processes that denounce limitations in the realm of democratization
in other regions may complicate the whole question of a solution.
They constitute additional proof for the legitimacy of the EZLN's
demands.
Rodolfo Casillas R.
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DIRECTORY OF HUMAN RIGHTS INSTITUTIONS
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Human Rights Institutions that have more information about the
situation on Chiapas are:
Centro de Derechos Humanos "Fray Bartolom de las Casas" (CDHFBC)
5 de Febrero No. 6
Apdo. Postl 178
29200 San Crist"bal de las Casas, Chis.
Tel: (967) 835-48
Fax: (967) 835-51
CHILTAK, A.C.
A.P. 179, C.P. 29200
Flavio A. Paniagua No. 20 B.
Barrio del Cerrillo
29220 San Crist"bal de las Casas, Chis.
Tel y Fax: (967) 838-68
Centro Nacional de Comunicaci"n Social, A.C. (CENCOS)
Medell!n No. 33, Col. Roma
06700 M xico, D.F.
Tel: 533-64-75, 533-64-76
Fax: 208-20-62
Centro de Derechos Humanos "Miguel Agust!n Pro Ju rez", A.C.
(PRODH)
Puebla No. 45, 2o. piso, Col. Roma
06700 M xico, D.F.
Tel: 511-90-97
Fax: 208-75-47
Centro de Derechos Humanos "Fray Francisco de Vitoria, O.P.", A.C.
(CDHFV)
Odontolog!a No. 35. Col. Copilco Universidad.
04360 M xico, D.F.
Tel: 659-67-97
Fax: 659-38-23
Comisi"n Mexicana de Defensa y Promoci"n de los Derechos Humanos
A.C.
Pit goras No. 736, 3er. piso
Col. Narvarte
03020 M xico, D.F.
Tel: 687-54-83 y 682-20-14
Fax: 669-40-76
Comisi"n Nacional de Derechos Humanos
Perif rico Sur 3469
Col. San Jer"nimo L!dice.
10200 M xico, D.F.
Tel: 681-8125. Fax: 669-4076
Servicios Informativos Procesados, A.C. (SIPRO)
Prosperidad No. 31
Col. Escand"n
11800 M xico, D.F.
Tel y Fax: 277-47-91
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DIRECTORY
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Communications Program Coordinator of the AMDH: Ma. Yolanda
Arguello. Special Bulletin Coordinator: Rodolfo Casillas R.
Design: Oscar Zamora; Editorial Staff: Sonia P rez, Ana Laura
Correa y Le"n T llez. Traslation: Barbara Mergem and Lourdes
Gonz lez.
If you wish to recieve the following numbers of our Special
Bulletin, please write or phone:
Academia Mexicana de Derechos Humanos, A.C.
Filosof!a y Letras # 88. Col. Copilco Universidad.
04360 M xico D.F.
Tels. 659-87-64 y 659-49-80. Fax 658-72-79.
E-mail: AMDH (internet: amdh@laneta.apc.org)
END OF THE SECOND SPECIAL BULLETIN CHIAPAS' CONFLICT
amdh (internet: amdh@laneta.apc.org)
* Origin: Acad Mex Derechos Humanos, AC (3:970/4.193)