ACADEMIA MEXICANA DE DERECHOS HUMANOS, A.C.
SPECIAL BULLETIN CONFLICT ON CHIAPAS
Year I, No. 7, February 22th-28th, 1994.
FIRST OF FOUR PARTS
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CONTENTS
DEMOCRACY HAULED UP THE NATIONAL FLAG
CHRONOLOGY
THE ACTORS AND THE FACTS
NGO NEWS
DIRECTORY OF HUMAN RIGHTS INSTITUTIONS
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DEMOCRACY HAULED UP THE NATIONAL FLAG
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During the last week of February the Chiapanese conflict moved
to a new stage, it included in its script novel elements, it
presented acts which were carefully prepared behind the scenes, and
it focused on the two principal actors' performance: subcommander
Marcos and the other 18 zapatista delegates and the government
commissioner, Manuel Camacho heading his team of advisors.
The new stage's props included columns of a gothical style,
altarpieces made more than half a millennium ago, a centuries old
pulpit and the altar's ornaments at the cathedral of San Crist"bal
de las Casas. This altar passed from serving to conduct catholics
rites to being use as a patriotic altar to exalt the secular
religion of nationalism through reiterated homages to the Mexican
flag.
On February 24 every year is celebrated in Mexico the day of
the flag. However, in this occasion public homages began on the
21th when subcommander Marcos silently extended a flag taken from
commander Ramona's arms before intervening in the first press
conference given at the Peace and Reconciliation talks. The next
day, Marcos himself gave an impassioned and lyric speech where he
indicated that the zapatistas had come to look for the nation that
had abandoned them. Yet, the only thing they found when they came
down the mountains was the national flag, they had taken it in
their hands and now,under their refuge. They were determined to
build the rebirth of a bigger nation which would include all
Mexicans excluded and forgotten until now. In this manner the
zapatistas overtook president Salinas and commissioner Camacho who
made their respective homages to the national symbol only on
February 24. However, even on that day the zapatistas put on stage
a nationalist homage act, when at a press conference in front of
hundreds of journalists, they made a silent military salute to the
flag before given their report on the advances of the dialogue.
The script for the dialogue call for all the actors to mention
the flag, and through her, the nation. Nationalism, regardless of
the shades that it took-on for each of the participants, served
again as the basis for an understanding among Mexicans. The
zapatistas felt it necessary to endorse patriotism to dissipate a
wave of rumours which attributed some of its members non Mexican
nationalities. This version had been presented by the government at
the beginning of January. The government commissioner recognised
and emphasised the Mexican origin of the zapatistas in an attempt
to reinforce the idea that a dialogue must be conducted among
Mexicans without intervention of international instances or
organizations.
This dialogue has been almost secret and until half of this
week the few reports emitted by one another seem to indicate that
in fact in the mists of flag homages an agreement on all the issues
in the agenda could be achieved in a few days. According to
subcommander Marcos by wednesday they had advanced on 25% of the
agenda, by thursday 50% of the issues had already been discussed.
However, on friday, coincidentally a day after the flag's day, the
process suffered a strong brake when the issues concerning
electoral reform and reform of constitutional article 27 were put
forward; these issues had been considered national matters in the
agenda.
Since friday the process remained at the border of something
that could still be either a swamp or an oasis, considering the
difference which appeared. One thing are promises for solutions
which are being recorded in the accords, and another, quite more
difficult, is a real solution which may be given to he zapatista
demands on the future. This process can stagnate if the government
is not willing to make the necessary concessions to guarantee a
full electoral democracy by august of this year. Or on the
contrary, it may continue to advance on the vertiginous rhythm
which it had when the talks concerned regional issues, which refer
to Chiapas itself were being discussed, and if the government
decides to promote a radical electoral reform which can guarantee
clean elections to resolve the presidential succession.
It is still not know wether in Mexico there will be democracy
soon. However, nationalism, without reservations, has emerged
strengthened from this process.
Jorge Hern ndez Lara
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CHRONOLOGY
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February 22.
The Army and the Air Force support the peace and
reconciliation dialogue in Chiapas. General Antonio Riviello Baz n,
minister of defense (Sedena), said that a political solution to the
conflict has been the most appropriate measure taken by the
government. He said it would be "a mistake" on the part of some
human rights organizations to politicise their activities and leave
aside their "noble objectives".
Subcommander Marcos unfolded the national flag in front of
journalists. Manuel Camacho Sol!s sustained an end of the national
symbol during the few seconds in which it remained extended.
"This is a historic moment", said bishop Samuel Ruiz. "I would
only wish to end with a grandiose word: the dialogue has already began".
For the fourth time in the last 49 days the ten members of the
Christian order of Hijas de la Caridad de San Vicente de Paul,
responsible for San Carlos hospital, have been threatened by a
group of 100 people led by the PRI's local president, Jorge
Constantino, and the municipal president, Arnulfo Cruz de C lis.
At the same time that close to one hundred south californians
installed a "peace belt" in support of the negotiations between the
Republic's government and the EZLN, approximately one hundred and
fifty members of the Coordinator for Peace in Chiapas initiated a
demonstration at the Plaza de Armas of Juar z city to help collect
humanitarian aid for the indigenous people from that institution.
Between 1989 and 1993 a total of 26,218 indigenous people were
deprived of their liberty in Mexico, out of them 6,848 regained
their freedom during the same period, according to an analysis by
the Secretariat of Gobernaci"n (Interior ministry) carried out in
the context of the search of the implementation of justice in
Chiapas. According to these statistics it is estimated that there
still 19,770 persons held accused of common and federal offenses,
the majority of these indigenous people "only speak a dialect and
are illiterate".
The internal political and economic power struggle in Los
Altos de Chiapas has left during the last 25 years a total of
33,531 indigenous people expelled from their communities, among
them catholics and protestants. Ninety percent of them are
originally from San Juan Chamula.
February 23.
Second official day of the Peace and Reconciliation talks.
Subcommander Marcos said to journalists: "We ask, as brothers, to
those that say the truth to continue to do so; and if possible to
those who say lies not to put so much emphasis on them. We are
willing to see if another door opens, that of democracy, of liberty
and justice, and if it is truthful we will follow it."
Manuel Camacho Sol!s said: "the solution will be a new
treatment towards indigenous communities throughout the entire
country, and the solution will be a commitment with democracy".
Among other questions, Marcos stated: "We have come to ask the
nation, our nation: Why did it leave us for so many and many years
in the most solitary corner, the poorest, the dirtiest, the worst
place of them all? Why did it leave us there with so many deaths?
Why is it necessary to kill and die so that Ramona can come and you
may listen to what she has to say? Why was it necessary that Laura,
Ana Maria, Irma, Elisa, Silvia and so many, many other indigenous
women had to take up an weapon and become soldiers instead of
doctors, engineers, or teachers?
The secretary of National Defense, Antonio Riviello Baz n,
pointed out that Non governmental organizations (NGOs) have been
unfair in their criticisms of the Mexican Army's performance in
Chiapas. He insisted that the Armed forces have acted within the
state of law and the strict respect for human rights, "for which
our armed institutions have prepared themselves".
The International Jurists Commission (CIJ) stated that the
Mexican Army committed "serious violations" of human rights during
the offensive destined to halt the arm indigenous uprising in
Chiapas. The report informs that the number of deaths due to the
conflict between January first and 12th could be between 200 and
300, with an undetermined number of injured. It goes on to say that
there could have been numerous forced disappearances. There are
reports of about 20 cases of people whose whereabouts were unknown
after being arrested.
Jorge Madrazo, president of the National Commission for Human
Rights (CNDH), informed that up to this moment they have received
20 human rights violations complaints against the EZLN; 76 against
members of the Mexican Army; 4 against officials of the Republics's
Attorney General's office; 3 against employers and judicial agents
from the government of Chiapas; 1 against the municipal presidents
from Altamirano, Las Margaritas, and Tenejapa; 2 against the
municipal president of San Juan Chamula and 3 against the municipal
president from Oxchuc.
Eight of the 32 alleged zapatistas held at the Cerro Hueco
penitentiary were left free on bail. It was informed that they were
left free after the National Indigenist Institute (INI) paid the
bail set at 2 thousand new pesos for each.
SPECIAL BULLETIN CONFLICT ON CHIAPAS
Year I, No. 7, February 22th-28th, 1994.
SECOND OF FOUR PARTS
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CHRONOLOGY, SECOND PART
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February 24.
Subcommander Marcos announced that out of the EZLN petition
document "they have already obtained satisfactory answers regarding
health, education, opportune and accurate information, housing,
respect for culture and tradition, and rights and dignity of the
indigenous peoples of Mexico". He explained that the commissioner
Manuel Camacho Sol!s "has given a response to the demands that may
be resolved at the San Crist"bal's talks, because both him and us
are clear that there are demands that greatly exceed this
initiative and have a national level". He said that "a quarter of
the demands have been resolved".
He made it known to the national community that "just as war
was decided democratically, peace will necessarily have to follow
the same democratic decision making process. We will have to return
to the communities and regions and consult them so that they can
decide wether to agree or not".
Manuel Camacho Sol!s assured that the dialogue "is giving its
first results". It is progressing according to our initial idea of
boarding the issues according to three lines; the political
commitments to an honourable peace; the issues related to the
indigenous communities of the entire country; and the preparation
of the peace accords".
According to the Mexican NGOs that attended the UN Human
Rights Commission, only 6.8% of the human rights violations
committed during the conflict in Chiapas can be attributed to the
EZLN.
The EZLN delegates to the Peace and Reconciliation talks
responded to some twenty journalists: "What refers to national
democracy and the reform of constitutional article 27 which we are
asking for, excess the San Crist"bal talks. We have proposed the
government representative that "there be a commission formed by
personalities from civil society, not members from the government,
the political parties or the Ej rcito Zapatista, to verify those
accords".
The NGOs which participated in the security peace belt around
San Crist"bal's cathedral reaffirmed their "impartiality" position
with respect to the Mexican Army and the EZLN. In a joint
communicate of 73 NGOs and 24 other national entities they assured
their neutrality in their participation of the peace belt.
The CIJ suggested that the Amnesty Law approved on January 20
by the Union's Congress can not "include" offenses committed by
government agents. On the contrary, the authorities must
investigate the facts and trial those responsible. Government
agents must be excluded from the benefits of this amnesty, while
investigations are carried out, sanctions are applied and the
victims' families are indemnified.
February 25.
President Salinas de Gortari assumed responsibility for the
commitments made by Manuel Camacho Sol!s at the negotiations with
the EZLN.
Subcommander Marcos said: we have already resolved 50% of our
demand list; electricity for the indigenous communities,
redistribution of the federal inversion in the state, regarding the
impacts of the Free Trade Agreement in the indigenous communities;
health, accurate information, housing, education, construction of
schools, provision of didactic materials and training of teachers
for mandatory bilingual education in the indigenous communities;
respect for indigenous culture and traditions; punishment for the
discrimination and disrespect received by indigenous people; the
problem of food; economic support for the victims of war and for
the widows and orphans provoked by the conflict; women's demands
regarding the paths that need to be follow so that indigenous
people can live in peace; that non governmental human rights
organizations multiply and fortify themselves; the necessity, when
the time is appropriate, for the formation of a National Commission
for Peace, Justice and Dignity which would be in charge of
enforcing the agreements reached at the dialogue table. The last
point on which we have agreed is that humanitarian aid for the
conflict zones be channelled through the authentic representative
from the indigenous communities.
The hope lifted regarding an end to the threats against 10
nuns in charge of San Carlos hospitl after the dialogue among a
group of ranchers, six bishops commissioned for peace in Chiapas
and the president of the National Commission for Human Rights,
evaporated today when a group of 100 people stood outside the
hospital with a sign that read "out with the zapatista nuns".
February 26.
Subcommander Marcos assured that among the national demands,
the "stronger one" was that of democracy. The EZLN will insist on
the Federal Executive's resignation, in the formation of a
transition government and in the elaboration of a profound
electoral reform. He pointed out that "if civil society has the
maturity of forcing the federal government and the Ej rcito
Zapatista to sit down and discuss a peace agreement, then only
civil society, not even us, has the capacity to guarantee a true
and free democracy, which is what we are asking". The dialogue
began its most difficult stage; "that of the demands of a national
character".
The American organization of Physicians for Human Rights, PHR,
warned that the increasing pressure by ranchers' groups in
Altamirano against the nuns at Hospital San Carlos has derived into
a virtual "state of siege" which threatens the security of its
employees and patients. It also informed that one of its
representatives was threatened by these groups.
In the mean time, the Coordination of Non governmental
Organizations for Peace of San Crist"bal de las Casas (Compaz) and
sister Patricia Moys n, director of the San Carlos Hospital, asked
for the intervention of the Special Commission for Chiapas, formed
by Eduardo Robledo, Eraclio Zepeda and Andr s F bregs, so that
their participation may assist to initiate a dialogue for municipal
unity.
Morris Tidball, responsible for Amnesty International in
Mexico, warned that the Mexican government seems to practice "a
policy of impunity" towards those responsible for human rights
violations in Chiapas. He manifested that they have continue to
receive reports of human rights violations. He said to be "worried
for the apparent unwillingness to realise an exhaustive
investigation regarding such violations".
The president of the National Commission for Human Rights,
Jorge Madrazo Cu llar, "formally solicited" the governor of
Chiapas, Javier L"pez Moreno, to initiate legal proceedings against
those responsible for threatening the nuns at San Carlos Hospital
in Altamirano on February 24.
February 27.
"Of course there is resistance from the federal government
against the democratization of the country! Salinas does not want
to resign", warned subcommander Marcos. "It is ok if Salinas does
not resign, as long as he changes the current electoral law, now,
not as a demand, but as a warning. The case is that if they do not
do this, in august everything is going to explode and there wont be
enough cathedrals to negotiate with all the zapatista, villista or
magonistas armies that will appear".
The aspects to which there is more government resistance are
the demands to reform the constitutional articles 4 and 27, these
topics have delayed the Peace and Reconciliation Talks during the
last 48 hours.
In a communicate addressed to the people of Mexico and the
peoples and governments of the world, the EZLN demanded that by
august "a truly free and democratic election is called, with
equality of opportunities and obligations for the organizations
that struggle for power, with an authentic freedom to choose
between the different proposals and with respect for the will of
the majority".
"One thing is dialogue, an another negotiation", continued the
EZLN's military leader. "The government has not resolved until now
nor even 1% of our demands; it has responded to 50% of them, but
nothing has been met yet. The only thing that has been gained is
that we are sitting here discussing the agenda".
The subcommander also spoke about justice, he explained the
difference in its application in either indigenous' or mestizos'
context. "If you kill someone in an indigenous community, this
community will surely give you as punishment to work for the widow.
That would be your sentence. The mestizos' justice would put you in
jail, leaving two widows".
Violence and aversion towards the CNDH representatives and
journalists is increasing in Altamirano. The uncertainty of the
soldiers guarding the station at the town's outskirts, the
complacency of the Public Minister's agent and the complaints of a
group of women nearly unleashed a conflict among the inhabitants of
the Morelia ejido and ranchers, merchants and displaced people from
Altamirano.
Urban, peasant, youth, student and workers' organizations
stated that the arm conflict in Chiapas demonstrated that President
Carlos Salinas de Gortari's neoliberal project has maintained the
majority of Mexicans in poverty and suffering hunger. Congregated
at the National Gathering of Social Organizations, these civil
groups analyzed the situation which originated the arm uprising in
Chiapas. "The EZLN's insurrection was an answer to a situation of
extreme misery which was experienced not only at a state level, but
throughout the nation".
SPECIAL BULLETIN CONFLICT ON CHIAPAS
Year I, No. 7, February 22th-28th, 1994.
THIRD OF FOUR PARTS
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CHRONOLOGY, LAST PART
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February 28.
The Mexican Army's position is perfectly defined "we are open
to any investigation" regarding the conduct of our members during
the conflict in Chiapas, assured the commander of the seventh
Military Region, general Miguel Angel God!nez. He supported the
findings of military experts concerning the remains found in the
Morelia ejido, two of which proofs the Secretariat of National
Defense was not implicated with the deaths of the three men. Up to
this moment the Mexican Army has not received a single
recommendation from the CNDH, "only information requirements". He
insisted that his department had a disposition to collaborate with
the CNDH. Regarding the nongovernmental organizations, he clarify
that: "Even if they want to address us, they must do it through the
CNDH, which is the "valid institution for us".
Source: This section was written based on information facilitated
by Servicios Informativos Procesados, A.C. (SIPRO).
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THE ACTORS AND THE FACTS
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Finally, during last week the dialogue process between the
EZLN delegates and the Commissioner for Peace and Reconciliation
materialised with the support of the National Commissioner for
Intermediation. The first ones are nineteen delegates designated by
the Revolutionary Indigenous Clandestine Committee, members of the
different ethnic groups that conformed the committee, including
subcommander Marcos. It was also mentioned that they represent both
the political command and military opinions.
The talks have been conducted at the San Crist"bal de las
Casas cathedral, behind close doors. A point stressed by
subcommander Marcos, one of the meetings' principal's public
spokesmen, has been the distinction between dialogue and
negotiation. Both processes have to be clearly differentiated,
since the advancement on the first does not necessarily entail
achievements in the second. They have also been clear in indicating
that in terms of the negotiations the delegates can only take the
Commissioner's answers in his condition as the Republic's
government representative. However, the acceptance can only be
approved by all the members of the communities which designated
them.
Parallel to these proceedings important activities have
developed. On the one side, the principal of information has been
maintained through periodic press conferences, in which the actors
have communicated the advances on their work. Each one of them has
also held specific meetings; but those which have drawn the most
attention have been the zapatistas'. They have met with members of
the press but also with representatives of political parties.
At the end of the week the dialogue advances are announced as
significant. Moreover, differences have been established between
demands of a national level and those of a regional nature. The
tendency seems to be that the latter will be easier to resolved in
accordance with the line established by the Republic's president,
who expressed his instructions to the Commissioner for Peace saying
that they had to be "generous" in the responses to those demands.
The same has not occurred with the demands of a national
order. Even the zapatistas have recognised that their solution
excess the terms for negotiation that can be established with them.
In any case, they have stated that the viability of these demands
should be sustained by a real and effective approval by diverse
sectors of civil society. In terms of the necessity for
democratization presented by the EZLN, the meetings between the
Executive (through the Ministry of Interior) with the political
parties in relation to possible modifications to the electoral
legislation, can be seen as movement in that direction. However, if
the negotiations mechanisms are maintained on traditional lines it
will be difficult to guarantee an effective change and the profound
democratization demanded. A possible call for an extraordinary
legislative session has also been announced as the formal
channelling field for the accorded reforms.
In another sphere of the conflict, a fact that has called
national and international attention is the increasing climate of
violence unleashed in some of the region's localities. The
principal centre for the violent acts has been the municipal
headquarters of Altamirano. The issue has reached a such level of
seriousness that in recent days the very president of the National
Commission for Human Rights (CNDH), Jorge Madrazo Cu llar, had to
abandoned the locality under policy protection. Seen in retrospect,
all the intervening actors like those involved in humanitarian aid
(such as the vicentine nuns at the San Carlos hospital and the
members of the Ricardo Pozas University Caravan, among others) and
those involved in the clarification of the violent acts (such as
the international expert forensic doctors and various national and
foreign journalists) have been subject to aggressions.
It appears that a climate of generalized violence is being
incubated. Until now the situation is localised particularly in the
above mentioned municipality. However, nexus with other less
systematic but well spread events, such as the land invasions,
should not be discarded. In all of them diverse actors have been
emerging. Characteristic of this process of violence heightening is
the fact that some of its true protagonists are difficult to
identify, impeding their sanction and the control of the situation.
For example, the ranchers' power and belligerency has been talked
about, as well as their capacity to incite the "population" towards
violence against locals and foreigners signalled as enemies of the
local interests. Without discarding the ranchers' position of
influence, the manifestations and collective aggression inferred
could also be masquerading other obscure interests. These
mobilizations appeal to grievances of diverse nature and claim
above all a lack of representativeness of the arm movement; they
even indicate that they not only not share the latter's demands,
but that they disagree with them. At the same time diverse
organizations have began to appear publicly and more actively, as
a previous bulletin had mentioned, which have shown the absence of
initiative and degrees of organization of other sectors. Today it
seems that they had always existed and that they have the resources
to express themselves publicly, with all that this implies.
Rodolfo Casillas R.
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NGO NEWS
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Human Rights Watch Report.
The moderate attitude adopted by president Carlos Salinas de
Gortari in response to the unexpected New Year's rebellion in
Chiapas, as well as the political parties agreement to respect the
electoral reforms, give space for the hope that Mexico is changing.
Yet, Human Rights Watch/Americas's report, "The New year's
rebellion: violations of human rights and humanitarian rights
during the arm uprising in Chiapas", warns that if there is no
effort made to attribute responsibility for the abuses against
human rights committed by both sides the achievement of a long
lasting peace in Chiapas and in the rest of the Mexico will be
jeopardised. Until now, the government has not guaranteed the
attribution of those responsibilities for violations of war laws
and humanitarian decrees committed during the conflict to anyone.
During two different missions carried out in January and
February of 1994 respectively, HRW/Americas documented serious
violations to human rights and humanitarian decrees committed by
both the government forces and the Ej rcito Zapatista de Liberaci"n
Nacional (EZLN). Based on these trips to collect information, as
well as from the close supervision of events and regular contacts
with the human rights defense Mexican community, HRW/A has
concluded that:
- the raids conducted by the Army in several towns and cities
caused deaths and injuries among civilians as well as massive
arrests. However, the government has not proceeded to identify the
dead or wounded nor those who remain under the Army's custody;
- many of the arrests conducted by the Army were done without
judicial order or with enough justifiable suspicions regarding the
participation of the suspects in combat;
- torture, ill treatment, as well as prolonged detention in
violation of Mexican laws were common characteristics of the Army's
arrests;
- prolonged detention or conditional liberty without leafing
charges of those imprisoned by the Army without justifiable causes
and subsequently handed over to civil authorities has provoked the
concern that these people are being detained for political reasons;
SPECIAL BULLETIN CONFLICT ON CHIAPAS
Year I, No. 7, February 22th-28th, 1994.
LAST PART
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NGO NEWS, SECOND PART
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Human Rights Watch Report, cont.
- the government has propitiated the covering up of violations of
human rights and of humanitarian decrees perpetrated by the Army,
in the following cases among others: the summary executions of five
EZLN soldiers at the Ocosingo market; the violation of physicians'
neutrality and the assassination of eleven people taken from the
hospital at Ocosingo, and the torture, disappearance and death of
three men from the Morelia ejido close to Altamirano;
- the National Commission for Human Rights (CNDH) has been an
accomplice to the covering up in each of the three cases above
mentioned. The government has also impeded the CNDH to know in a
total or partial manner its findings in sensitive cases;
- the EZLN violated war laws by taking hostages and in one case
assassinating one of them; by shielding themselves during combat
with civilians among its soldiers and by destroying non-military
objectives.
The first government's response to the Chiapas uprising was to
attempt a total military suppression of the rebels. Government
spokesmen insinuated that the rebellion was headed by members of
"violent factions which operate in other Central American
countries". The Salinas' government also attempted to link the EZLN
leadership to marginal radical groups in Mexico and allowed the
circulation of rumours regarding the support of clerics affiliated
to the Human Rights Centre Fray Bartolom de las Casas to the EZLN
in radiocommunication, so that the rebels could plan and coordinate
their attacks.
A few days after, the Army impeded the press and human rights
observers, who had carried out a splendid coverage of the events,
to visit the areas in which military operations were being
conducted or had recently concluded. This action on the part of the
Army provoked the suspicion that the State was trying to hide from
witnesses acts of repression.
On January 9 president Salinas initiated an important
transformation of his policy by announcing the establishment of an
independent commission to evaluate and propose solutions to the
social problems in the conflict area. The next day he completely
reverted the previous hard line policy by convocating some of
Mexico's most respected citizens to head the efforts to look for a
peaceful solution in Chiapas.
Almost immediately after the reports of flagrant human rights
violations diminished. The government announced a unilateral cease
fire and the Army allowed the press and human rights observers to
return to almost all the rural areas.
On January 20th president Salinas signed an amnesty law
applicable to all the acts of violence committed in violation of
federal laws between January 1st and 20th in the Chiapas conflict,
as long as those involved ask for amnesty, and put down their
weapons within 30 days. Unfortunately, the law is ambiguous
regarding its applicability towards the Army or to those acts that
constitute serious violations of human rights and humanitarian
decrees internationally recognised. On January 22nd Chiapas state
Congress approved a similar law for all state felonies. On the
other hand, even though the EZLN has not offered to put down its
weapons, it has adopted a conciliatory tone abandoning some of its
more burdensome political demands.
Even though Human Rights Watch/Americas applauded the Mexican
government's change in policy, which reduced on a significant
manner both the violence and the abuses against human rights in
Chiapas, it worries us to see indications that it does not have the
intention to fully investigate human rights and humanitarian
decrees violations which in fact occurred, nor to trial and punish
those responsible. HRW/A and other independent non governmental
organizations have had great difficulty in achieving full access to
the Mexican government's available information. Moreover, the CNDH
has not investigated decisively the abuses nor has it condemned
publicly the police and military members who committed those abuses
or tried to cover them up.
Another reason for concern has been the January 28th
announcement by the Army that it would call on a military judge to
investigate the summary executions of the zapatista soldiers at the
Ocosingo market. Despite the fact that HRW/A does not object to a
military investigation, the lack of civilian supervision and the
inability to detect a possible cover up, worries us.
Human Rights Watch/Americas has learned that the best way of
supporting a peace process is by having the government involved
reveal all that it knows regarding serious violations, that it
fulfil its obligations emanated from national and international
decrees, to investigate the abuses and trial and punish those who
emerge responsible. We are opposed to any amnesty that might
exonerate such serious crimes committed either by government or
rebel agents. Disappearances, extra-judicial executions, torture,
and violations of war agreements are crimes that governments have
the duty to investigate and punish. Consequently, Human Rights
Watch/Americas calls the Mexican government to declared:
- that the amnesty law will not be applied to any act committed by
government forces or by zapatistas which may constitute a violation
of human rights and humanitarian decrees;
- that all the investigations of such crimes committed by any of
the parts involved, including the Army, will be carried out in a
manner of complete independence;
- that when it be appropriate independent forensic experts will be
invited to examine evidence in the cases of serious abuses, and
that they be not impeded from making their findings public;
- that no government branch, including the Army, receive total
authority to guard itself;
- that all criminal acts identified during the investigations be
process in a public manner, and
- that the victims of those acts be compensated.
The New year's rebellion presents the Mexican political system
with the challenge to institute definite reforms which may impose
in Mexico true democracy and the capacity to call on the government
to be accountable. Until now the government has refused to call a
extraordinary Congress session to implement the significant
electoral reforms that have been proposed before the presidential
elections in 1994. It has argued that these reforms can not be
legislated with such hastiness. However, even if these reforms are
carried out in time, political leaders in Mexico can not forget
that true democracy includes not only elections, but also an
impartial functioning of State institutions, in particular those
(such as the police, judges and tribunals) which have the
responsibility to protect citizens' rights and to correct the
offenses that they might suffer.
This report was written by Ellen Lutz and Sebastian Brett.
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DIRECTORY OF HUMAN RIGHTS INSTITUTIONS
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Human Rights Institutions that have more information about the
situation in Chiapas:
Centro de Derechos Humanos "Fray Bartolom de las Casas" (CDHFBC)
5 de Febrero No. 6
Apdo. Postal 178
29200 San Crist"bal de las Casas, Chis.
Tel: (967) 835-48
Fax: (967) 835-51
E-Mail: Internet: cdh-bcasas@laneta.apc.org
CHILTAK, A.C.
Flavio A. Paniagua No. 20 B.
Barrio del Cerrillo
Apdo. Postal 179
29220 San Crist"bal de las Casas, Chis.
Tel y Fax: (967) 838-68
E-Mail: Internet: chiltak@laneta.apc.org
Centro de Derechos Humanos "Fray Francisco de Vitoria, O.P.", A.C.
(CDHFV)
Odontolog!a No. 35. Col. Copilco Universidad.
04360 M xico, D.F.
Tel: 659-67-97
Fax: 659-38-23
E-Mail: Internet: cdh-fvitoria@laneta.apc.org
Centro Nacional de Comunicaci"n Social, A.C. (CENCOS)
Medell!n 33, Col. Roma
06700 M xico, D.F.
Tels: 533-6475 y 76. Fax: 208-2062
E-Mail: Internet: cencos@laneta.apc.org
Comisi"n Nacional de Derechos Humanos
Perif rico Sur 3469
Col. San Jer"nimo L!dice.
10200 M xico, D.F.
Tel: 681-8125. Fax: 669-4076
Human Rights Watch
1 W. Pico Blvd. Suite 203
Los Angeles CA 90064
Tel: (310) 475-3070. Fax: (310) 475-5613
Servicios Informativos Procesados, A.C. (SIPRO)
Prosperidad No. 31
Col. Escand"n
11800 M xico, D.F.
Tel y Fax: 277-47-91
E-Mail: Internet: sipro@laneta.apc.org
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DIRECTORY
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Communications Program Coordinator of the AMDH: Ma. Yolanda
Arguello. Special Bulletin Coordinator: Rodolfo Casillas R.;
Editorial Staff: Ana Laura Correa, Jorge Hern ndez and Rodolfo
Casillas. Traslation: Marcela R!os. E-Mail: Miguel Acosta V.
If you wish to recieve the following numbers of our Special
Bulletin, please write or phone:
Academia Mexicana de Derechos Humanos, A.C.
Filosof!a y Letras # 88. Col. Copilco Universidad.
04360 M xico D.F.
Tels. 659-87-64 y 659-49-80. Fax 658-72-79.
E-mail: AMDH (internet: amdh@laneta.apc.org)
Note: This Bulletin and the previous ones are located in the APC
networks and in Internet (Peacnet) CARNET.MEXNEWS
amdh (internet: amdh@laneta.apc.org)
* Origin: Acad Mex Derechos Humanos, AC (3:970/4.193)