ACADEMIA MEXICANA DE DERECHOS HUMANOS, A.C.
SPECIAL BULLETIN CONFLICT IN CHIAPAS
Year I, No. 8, March 1st-7th, 1994.
FIRST OF FOUR PARTS
Notice.
Starting from next issue, this bulletin will have a bi-weekly
peridiocity, and it will include other themes of national interest.
Hence it will present inovations on its design. What will remain
unchanged will be its commitment with the preservation of human
rights.
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CONTENTS
LEGITIMACY AND LEGITIMATION
CHRONOLOGY
THE ACTORS AND THE FACTS
DIRECTORY OF HUMAN RIGHTS INSTITUTIONS
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LEGITIMACY AND LEGITIMATION
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Since January first of this year, political matters have
advanced spectacularly. Negotiations were initiated, they agreed to
discuss an agenda and in these moments the Ej rcito Zapatista de
Liberaci"n Nacional is deliberating about its meeting with the
Peace delegate, Camacho Sol!s. Hence, some considerations regarding
the political negotiation between the EZLN and the Mexican
government are appropriate.
Undoubtedly, it has being extraordinary for the country that
an indigenous group has taken up arms to demand a dignified
treatment in accordance with one of the central basic rights:
respect and dignity of human beings. The struggle to find eco for
the EZLN's demands did not make itself wait. Civil society,
intellectuals and afterwards, even the government, have recognised
the legitimacy of such demands for recognition. However, the method
utilized to be heard has not received this legitimation. The
problem confronting any democracy attempting to make its plurality
and freedom exercises into articulate forms of its
institutionalization, can not be but one of enormous concern
when violence may impose itself as a method to make any demand
heard, no matter how transcendental or necessary it might be. In
this context, we can not forget that dialogue is precisely opposed
to war, and the latter means the suspension of all political
negotiation. Hence, it is a problem still in need of contemplation,
how at the end of the negotiations, considering that these have
coincided with the realization that they are possible; that is, how
can the violence cycle opened by an indigenous group be closed
since we know that they are not the only ones in the country in
similar political situations. A method which, contradictory demands
justice and democracy, but results in a state of war which may
brake any legitimate attempt to construct a democracy, can no be
installed. It will be necessary that one of civil society's demands
throughout this process be exactly privileging dialogue before any
other method. If this is not so it is impossible to think in
institutionally structuring a democratic process.
The second matter has been well indicated by Octavio Paz. The
problem of justice, housing, land and health for the indigenous
people of Chiapas is a clear problem, limited to its specificities.
But, hardly one from where we can deduce the second problem: the
necessity for democracy in the country. They are different demands,
ones particular to some groups, which can even find eco in other
realities throughout the country, and the problem of democracy is
one that concerns all of the country's citizens, independently of
their social position, place of origin, race or culture.
In the first moment, after the EZLN's declaration of war a
troublesome stage seem to be emerging for this second problem,
since they were declaring war and demanding something that in the
rest of civil society needed to be manifested still. However,the
political demand for democratization has been present and
convulsing the country for many years, consequently it rapidly
obtained a clear response. The government could not postpone for a
single instance the country's democratization. The next elections
will be the fertile ground to prove that its good intentions will
not stay at that.
Nevertheless, there has not been enough reflection regarding
this matter and its discussion within the negotiations with the
EZLN. An undeniable detail was the EZLN's decision to invite the
political parties and civil organizations to the negotiation table
as observers. Again, in this context the political parties reacted
slowly and even apathetically. They did not all attend, and they
did not demand their right to be participants of these first
conversations. That the government did not insisted in the
complying with the EZLN's wishes is worrisome, but it is a civic
duty to demand the appropriate rights and in this situation the
parties' irresponsibility has been manifested once more. It is
inadmissible that matters which pertain to the country's
democratization be discuss behind close doors. A broad debate must
be initiated, rigorously representative of civil society, of its
political parties and its counterpart, the government. The latter's
main duty is to guard that the agreements be implemented through
procedures broadly discussed and agreed upon so that they can
strengthen the institutional acts that will allow the emergence of
democracy.
Democracy means, among other things, an initial agreement
regarding procedures. Procedures are never sufficient, yet they do
allow the legitimation of negotiations and political accords. Until
now an open discussion of these procedures has not been permitted,
neither is it known with precision what has been agreed upon with
the EZLN. Consequently, a turn in this conversations must be
demanded in order to allow a broad discussion regarding theses
matters which do not only concern the armed group. Even though
their demands will never be met if there is not an initial accord
regarding the procedures to set democratic basis for the country.
Legitimacy for the discussion process in Chiapas will not be
achieve in weeks. We all know that. But, its initiation has, as it
has in every democracy, to establish initial agreements regarding
the clarity and stipulation of agreements and rules that should be
follow. We can not stop demanding that this discussions be open to
the broad public debate which this task requires. Democracy may be
an objective, yet since in its own purposes we find collective and
reasonable participation through its procedures, it is necessary to
pay attention to the idea of what it means to agree and follow
rules consented by everyone. Only then will we start from a
legitimation basis which will not ignore the plural and general
traits which constitute this country's identity.
Mar!a P!a Lara.
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CHRONOLOGY
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March 1.
Federico Garc!a Estrada, sub procurator for Human Rights
informed that Mexicali customs officials rejected authorising the
entry without paying federal duties of 17 tons of humanitarian aid
from Baja California to another state. This aid had been collected
by the Humanitarian network for Peace in Chiapas for the indigenous
people affected by the conflict, and it included food supplies.
The Chiapanese anthropologist Andr s F bregas Puig, member of
the Special Commission for the Pacification of Chiapas, considered
that the problem in Chiapas is one of "territorial reordering",
since from the seven million hectares of distributable land, four
belong to the ejidatarios, two to the communities and only one
million is private property. He said that more than the North
American Free Trade agreement, it was the reform to the 27
constitutional law which provoked "nervousness" among the people
who felt their hope of acquiring land cancelled. In legal terms the
valley of Ococingo ranchers "are not large land owners
(latifundistas)", those who own the most do not own more than 500
hectares each, but, to the eyes of a Tzeltal or Tzotzil, that is a
large state and they want it distributed.
Jorge Madrazo Cu llar, president of the National Commission
for Human Rights, defined Amnesty International observations
regarding the CNDH as an organization dependent form the federal
Executive without complete authority over its performance, as "
"hasty and with political tones".
Human Rights Watch states that even though economic problems
were a contributing factor for the Ej rcito Zapatista de Liberaci"n
Nacional's (EZLN) rebellion, the immediate causes were the
"constant violation of human rights and the lack of justice". The
American humanitarian organization indicates on its report on the
alleged human rights violations committed during the recent armed
conflict, that police corruption and the judicial system's lack of
independence "occur in all of Mexico", but are "magnified" in
Chiapas due to the local political structure. With respect to the
corpses of alleged zapatistas found at the Ococingo market, it says
that "the government incur on a cover up". In the report it is
reminded that on January 7, the PGR, headed then by the current
secretary of Governaci"n , Jorge Carpizo, affirmed in a communicate
that the four youth had died on different days and they did not
present wounds caused by the type of weapons used by the Mexican
Army. However, an investigation carried out later by CNDH experts
and by a team headed by Clyde Snow, a forensic anthropologist,
determined that the five people had been executed approximately at
the same time, with weapons of broad calibre which provoked wounds
"consistent" with those produced by 9 millimetre pistols used by
the Army. HRW affirms that despite this, the CNDH made a "weak
attempt to convince the public that there were no serious
discrepancies" with the previous PGR report. In general, the
humanitarian organization says it is "disappointed" that the CNDH
has not investigated "aggressively" the alleged abuses nor
condemned in a public manner civil officials and military "whom it
has attempted to conceal".
SPECIAL BULLETIN CONFLICT IN CHIAPAS
Year I, No. 8, March 1st-7th, 1994.
SECOND OF FOUR PARTS
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CHRONOLOGY, SECOND PART
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March 2.
Members of the Coordinator of non governmental organizations
asked the CNDH's president, Jorge Madrazo, to clearify to which NGO
he was referring to in his declarations, in which he stated that
they conceal delinquents and drug traffickers. "Because a sharp and
general affirmation like that could cause confusion among public
opinion in these historic moments of peace searching, when the NGOs
have been selected to provide a civil space for peace". Moreover,
they rejected that the CNDH may become the civil and military
authorities' interlocutor, and announced that they will not resign
their constitutional right to ask for serious, impartial
investigations closely tied to the law, from all of the country's
government branches. The NGOs demanded that the CNDH maintain a
firm and independent attitude in relation to the government in
cases of alleged human rights violations in Chiapas.
CNDH refuted the accusations against itself by Amnesty
International and Human Rights Watch, it said they were
"accusations and prevarications" which do not aid the task of
protecting the fundamental guarantees carried out at the conflict
zone in Chiapas. Even though, the CNDH "is not obliged" to provide
international organizations with its support and information so
that they can carry out their investigations, it has provided these
and they "have always been welcomed". At the end of the press
communicate the CNDH reiterated its sympathy and support for
national non governmental organizations which currently form the
security belt in San Crist"bal de las Casas, surroundings the talks
between the Peace and Reconciliation Commissioner, Manuel Camacho
Sol!s and the EZLN delegates with the mediation of bishop Samuel
Ruiz Garc!a.
The Canadian International Centre for Human Rights and
Development (CIDHDD) affirms that the Mexican Army "transported in
helicopters from Ococingo to Tuxtla Gutierr z" 49 civilians corpses
who were buried at the San Marcos cemetery in cement tombs only
identified with a number. According to eye witnesses, identified in
a previous report made public in Mexico by the Fray Francisco de
Vitoria Human Rights Centre, "all of these corpses were male, of
different ages who presented wounds in the entire body, none of
them wore the EZLN's uniform". It adds, "the facts suggest that the
victims were civilians, victims of combat, but without certainty.
Our conclusions in this case, differ from those of CNDH, which
maintains that due to the forensic examination and since no one had
claim the bodies, they were supposed to be zapatistas. Until now
there are no accusations regarding the EZLN carrying out summary
executions".
In the case of torture and the ill treatment of prisoners, the
Canadian organization stated that representatives from the Fray
Bartolom de las Casas Human Rights Centre found at the Cerro Hueco
jail in Tuxtla Guti rrez, that "a large proportion of the prisoners
had been brutally beaten in some occasions and subjected to
inhumane conditions after been arrested, thrown on the floor with
their hands tied on their backs for hours, and deprived of
sufficient food and water for entire days". As a conclusion of
their investigation work the Canadian centre for human rights
recommends the Mexican government to "begin an exhaustive and
transparent public investigation of the Army's actions to
determined the reasons behind the indiscriminate use of excessive
force against civilians, and to establish conduct norms to
guarantee that the military will not commit such actions again".
March 3.
The Federal Executive will call an extraordinary Congress
session in this month to reform the electoral law to guarantee
impartial elections and allow the participation of independent
citizens in the conduction of the process, so "that no political
force has advantages in the process" according to compromises
assumed by the federal government with the EZLN. The government
will give EZLN full guarantees, a dignified and respectful
treatment to its members and will facilitate any legal registration
which it requests as a group or in an individual manner. After two
months since the beginning of the conflict and eight days of
effective dialogue, the first faze of the Peace and Reconciliation
talks concluded. The agreements' document designated "Compromises
for a dignified Peace in Chiapas", offers responses to 35 EZLN
demands, and signifies profound changes and reforms for the
national and state constitutions.
President Carlos Salinas de Gortari said "he was encouraged
with the dialogue's notable results" and informed that during the
next days the republic's government will take the necessary
decisions to guarantee the execution of the compromises arrived at
San Cristobal de las Casas by the commissioner, Manuel Camacho. He
also express his confidence in that the materialization of these
compromises (from schools to the promulgation of an agrarian law,
sanctions against the discrimination of indigenous people and
electoral reforms) will receive the support of the entire society
and offered to be alert and safeguard all the details to arrive at
a final signing of the peace agreements.
Jacques Rogozinski, general director for the National Bank for
Services and Works (Banobras), announced the biggest channeling of
resources that this institution had ever made to the state of
Chiapas to promote the development of education, health, potable
water systems, commercialization and housing, construction and
rehabilitation of highways and terraces and the acquisition of
radiocommunication equipment, they will amount to a total of 4400
actions throughout the region. According to Banobras figures,
during the period between 1990 and 1993 the authorised credit
resources for the state amounted to 143 million new pesos, while
those foreseen for this year could exceed the 300 million, while
for the first half of 1995, 195 million will be assigned. These
quantities add up to 495 million new pesos. The Bonobras
contribution in credit resources for Chiapas constitutes 7% of the
money handle in 1994 by the institution, since the bank's budget
surpasses 7 thousand million new pesos.
Even though, "there are real possibilities for peace" in the
state of Chiapas, the process "is still too fragile" due to the
lack of confidence felt by EZLN delegates with respect to the
government promises. Moreover, the generalized explosion of
demonstrations of unsatisfaction with the government, not only in
Chiapas, but "almost throughout the country", may affect this
process "at any moment". So it was indicated by the third report by
the Bishop's Special Commission for the case of Chiapas from the
Mexican Episcopacy. The report considers that the conflict "is in
a genuine solution process, notwithstanding that undoubtably, it is
necessary to overcome difficult moments".
More than a thousand indians and peasants refugees as a result
of the armed conflict in Chiapas from Las Margaritas and Comit n,
returned to their communities because they considered that "the
conditions necessary for this were given". This makes the number of
displaced people who have return to their communities into 3500.
March 4.
Subcommander Marcos emphasised that "our expectation is that
war will be exorcised by the pressure put on by civil society
throughout the country to fulfil the agreements. I do not believe
that it depends on the policy results from San Crist"bal. The
problem will arise if civil society becomes exhausted, tired,
collapses; in that case every thing will be left loose and then
they will jump on us through the military route. What I am trying
to explain is that the problem is no longer ours, but the
country's; our cycle has ended, even though the flashes and photos
continue".
Manuel Camacho Sol!s, commissioner for Peace declared that: in
these historic moments "no one can fail" in the process of
pacification of Chiapas. The rule will be to accomplish in order to
prevent a brake on the space for trust and hope generated with the
Ej rcito Zapatista de Liberaci"n Nacional.
Subcommander Marcos commented that the zapatistas "are happy
to have come out alive" from San Crist"bal de las Casas. Now the
task is to initiate the consultations with the communities on next
sunday so that we can provide an answer to the 34 compromises
assumed by the federal government.
The US department of State declared it was "very content,
extremely content" with the "significant" agreements reached by
both sides involved in the Chiapas conflict to advance towards
peace in the south of Mexico.
Indigenous people have once again broken their silence. At the
capital's main square (z"calo) more than a thousand members of four
ethnic groups from Guerrero raised their voices and demanded
democracy, justice, equality and reforms to constitutional articles
4, 27 and 115 to achieve autonomy. Members of the "Guerrerense 500
years of Indigenous Resistance Council", arrived on foot from the
southern mountains, in a march that began 10 days ago at
Chilpancingo. Exhausted they entered in a long and slow column to
the Plaza de la Constituci"n, they talked to president Carlos
Salinas de Gortari, and demanded that they should not be forgotten.
"We have come to say to you that not only in Chiapas are there
indigenous people. We have come to remind you that there are 15
million indians in the country. We have come to talk to you, Mr.
president, so that you may resolve all our problems", said with a
high tone the nahua indian Marcelino D!az, at the concentration
beside the national palace.
The Inter American Commission for Human Rights (CIDH) is
willing to receive and discuss next June, during the meeting of the
Permanent Council of the OEZ, any complain regarding the conflict
in Chiapas, affirmed its permanent representative in Mexico,
Alejandro Carrillo Castro.
SPECIAL BULLETIN CONFLICT IN CHIAPAS
Year I, No. 8, March 1st-7th, 1994.
THIRD OF FOUR PARTS
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CHRONOLOGY, LAST PART
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March 5.
The commissioner for Peace and Reconciliation, Manuel Camacho
Sol!s informed that president Carlos Salinas de Gortari instructed
his cabinet to guarantee that all the compromises assumed at the
negotiations in Chiapas be met "strictly to the word". He indicated
that initiatives aimed at protecting the rights of indigenous
communities will be promoted. These will concern land tenure,
agrarian justice "beginning with constitutional article 27".
The Indigenous Revolutionary Clandestine Committee (CCRI) will
initiate a process of consultation with its bases with the guidance
of the EZLN military hierarchy. It will be related to the contents
of the 34 compromises assumed by the federal government for a
dignified peace in Chiapas. The documents of the memory of the
dialogue's first faze between the EZLN delegatees and the
commissioner for Peace and Reconciliation, Manuel Camacho Sol!s,
will be translated from Spanish to Tzeltal, Tojolabal and Chol so
that all of the inhabitants of more than a thousand rural
communities may know them.
The State Council of Indigenous and Peasant Organizations from
Chiapas (CEOIC) warned that it will not retreat in the occupation
of lands that "belong to them rightfully, and that to this date add
up to 17 thousand hectares". It indicated that they are not against
small private property, but are against the ownership of the bast
majority of the state's wealth by a minority. Currently, the
representatives of 280 organizations which conform this council are
helding a land census of those lands in the hands of large
landowners to determined which of these might be affected. The
results of this census will be made public on March 18. It the
meantime, the Ranchers National Confederation informed that its 415
members from Chiapas, mainly located in Altamirano, Ocosingo and
Las Margaritas, only posses 2.7% of the 1,752,900 hectares of
existing land in the state. Consequently, the "accusations that
ranchers are land hoggers is inexplicable, when it is coffee owners
who are in that situation".
The Front for Nutrition Rights (Feda), informed that
violations to nutrition rights, blockades and unjustified
provisions of food and medicines towards 35 thousand displaced
people, as well as the withdrawal of physicians from the Lacandona
jungle, in conflict areas with permanent zapatista influence, could
provoke cholera epidemics and extreme anaemia.
Domingo L"pez Angel, president of the Council of
Representatives from the Indigenous people of Los Altos de Chiapas,
solicited the representation of ethnic groups in the CNDH's and the
state and federal congresses' previous investigations regarding the
expulsion of 25 thousand indigenous people from the region
throughout the last 20 years.
"We want to be respected because we are within law and
reason", demanded Altamirano ranchers to senator Eduardo Robledo
Rinc"n, writer Eraclio Zepeda and anthropologist Andr s F bregas
Puig, members of the Special Autonomous Commission, after sating
that they are willing "to look for the most viable manner to
achieve peace in the municipality, and in the zone". The ranchers
headed by the municipal president, Arnulfo Cruz de Celis, and the
local PRI president, Jorge Cosntantino Kanter, met for an hour and
a half with the three CEA members. This commission was call upon to
intervene in the initiation of a dialogue in search of unity by the
coordinator of the National Commission of Human Rights, Roger
Maldonado, the coordinator of non governmental organisations for
Peace of San Crist"bal de las Casas, and Patricia Moys n,
administrative director of the San Carlos hospital.
Mariclaire Acosta, head of the Mexican Commission for Defense
and Promotion of Human Rights, and the National Network of Civil
Human Rights organizations "All rights for all", solicited through
the American Associations of Jurists to the UN Interamerican Human
Rights Commission that a commission be designated to travel to
Mexico to confirm the "permanent violation of fundamental human
rights" in this country. This petition was made at a CIDH-UN
meeting being held at Geneva.
Adolfo At#zar Figueroa, leader of one of the associations of
small owners in thirteen municipalities in the frontier region,
among them Las Margaritas, Alatamirano, and parts of Ocosingo,
affirmed that if the occupations continue, ranchers will take
measures to defend their lands "to the last consequences". He
summarised: "patience has a limit, we are tolerant and accessible,
but not dumb. The producers do not wish to fight, but
unfortunately, land occupations have forced us to act in another
manner".
The indigenous peoples of Mexico presented a document
regarding the government responses to the EZLN demands, which
indicates that even though the present government manifests the
will to give an answer to some of their social and economic
demands, it profoundly worries them that regarding the central
issues of a political nature, a real disposition to give solutions
through deep changes to the relationship between the National State
and the indigenous peoples is not present. The document elaborated
in the first day of work at National Electoral Convention of
Indigenous Peoples, establishes that the government attempts to
fragment and reduce the content of regional autonomy to a mere
local or communal level. It indicates that the government has not
understood nothing of the Chiapas indigenous rebellion's
significance, because its responses imply no changes to the
constitution in order to make regional autonomy possible.
March 6.
The swiss socialist MP, Jean Ziegler, confirmed that he
solicited his government to impede the sell of spare parts for the
combat plains Pilatus PC-y, of swiss fabrication utilised in Mexico
to repress the indigenous rebellion in the state of Chiapas.
About 200 indigenous families expelled form different
municipalities of Los Altos de Chiapas occupied more than 30
hectares of semiurban land in the north of San Crist"bal de las
Casas. Their representatives affirmed that they will not leave the
fields until state authorities buy them from the owners and hand
them over to the displaced people.
For Civic Action's Human Integral Development (DHIAC), in the
generation of the Chiapas conflict it is possible to identify three
central factors; first, it is part of the PRI's hard line sectors'
struggle to pressure for its political positions; second, there is
a professional guerrilla that utilised the indigenous people as an
political flag; and third, due to the preaching of Liberation
Theology by bishop Samuel Ruiz. The diagnosis entitle "the EZLN, a
premeditated issue", warns that while the guerrilla movement was
"mystified" by some sectors of Mexican society, the Army was object
to a discrediting campaign. With regards to the media it highlights
that "they had chosen as its spokesman La Jornada, El Financiero
and Proceso, all of them identified with the left". The same is
true for the international press.
Second day of the demonstration by the Guerrero indians. First
official proposals: 20 million new pesos destined towards
infrastructure for the Mountain towns; 1,200 million to open a
Strengthening Found for Indigenous Culture and the "possibility" to
create a Found for Autonomous Development of the indigenous
communities of Guerrero. These proposals were made by the INI
director, Guillermo Espinoza, and the director of the Social
Organization Sedeso, Alberto Amador. During the afternoon a
commission from the Guerrerrense Counsil 500 years of struggle met
in private with Beatriz Paredes Rangel, president of the National
Commission for Integral Development and Social Justice for
Indigenous Peoples.
March 7.
Tired and sun stricken, indigenous men and women, peasants and
ejidatarios demanded, not asked, that those directly responsible
for the repression, marginalization, pillage, fraud and corruption
in Chiapas be imprisoned without bail. Among them ex governors
Absal"n Castellanos, Patrocinio Gonzal z y Elmar Setzer. More than
two thousand indigenous people congregated at downtown Tuxtla,
where in vain they waited for governor Javier L"pez Moreno to give
him 21 proposals "that can definitely change our poor way of life".
Peasants from Cintalpa, Chiapa de Corzo, the Soconusco region, El
Bosque and Las Margaritas as well as from innumerable other ejidos,
"stayed put" in front of the state government's palace to be heard
"for once and for all, or we take other measures".
To blame Liberation Theology for the violence in Chiapas is a
way to defend illegitimate interests, affirmed the Centre for
Theological Reflection (CRT). It rejects that marxism is the
inspiration for this ecclesiastical current. This statements were
made as a response to the constant accusations to the dioceses of
San Crist"bal de las Casas and to the bishop Samuel Ruiz of putting
this theology into practice and of being the principal promoters of
violence, of encouraging class struggle and aiding the tensions in
Los Altos de Chiapas. The document indicates that Liberation
Theology is one of the most vigorous and prophetic theological
currets within the Church after the second Vatican Council.
Source: this section was elaborated based on information from
Servicios Informativos Procesados, A. C. (SIPRO).
SPECIAL BULLETIN CONFLICT IN CHIAPAS
Year I, No. 8, March 1st-7th, 1994.
LAST PART
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THE ACTORS AND THE FACTS
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The week which ends today marked the culmination of the talks
between the Ej rcito de Liberaci"n Nacional (EZLN) delegates and
the Peace and Reconciliation Commissioner designated by the
Republic's president, Manuel Camacho Sol!s, sponsored by the
National Commissioner for Intermediation, Monsignor Samuel Ruiz
Garc!a.
The so-called dialogue, increasingly presented as the previous
faze to the process of negotiation concluded in a series of 34
points presented by the zapatistas. Each one of them merited an
answer in the Compromises for a dignified peace in Chiapas, on the
part of the Executive's commissioner. Notwithstanding, these do not
all posses the same degree of concretion, and some definitely do
not constitute real compromises. It would be necessary to stress,
on the one hand, the diversity of the themes included in the demand
petition; and on the other, the flexibility demonstrated, mainly by
the zapatistas, so that the responses be viable considering the
channels through which they must be processed.
An example of this is found in the more global revindications
which refer to the national political dimension. This degree of
breadth makes some of them difficult to resolve in such a localised
sphere of negotiation. They required for their redefinition the
participation of a diverse group of social forces.
However, others such as the relationship with legislation and
agrarian programs have to do with the ancestral problem of access
to real productive land, so necessary for the peasant communities.
An obliged reference are the persistent accusations of
concentration of land tenure, of hidden "latifundio" (large state),
the insufficiency of lands for the peasants and a series of
exploitation mechanisms that combined with the lack of effective
support for production which combined conduce to a situation of
extreme poverty and productive incapability. The discussion
regarding constitutional article 27 and its regulation, as well as
other related regulations, constitute the impasse that must be
cleared. For this, a solution to the problems above mentioned must
be fundamentally considered beyond juridical jargon or declarations
of good intentions.
Other demands refer to more specific regional aspects, which
solution channels go back in many cases to local government
instances. In this sense, their attention may benefit the state
population in general, and probably on a greater degree, those in
situations of extreme poverty.
Finally, others have to do with the concrete situation of
indigenous people. It is hoped that a solution may have beneficial
consequences extensible to other regions of the country, especially
to those inhabited by different ethnic groups.
After the meetings' closure and the return of the protagonists
(the zapatistas to their places of origin and the commissioner to
the capital), a transit to another stage has began. The new faze of
the process has an undetermined duration, resulting, above all due
to the complexity and difficulty to carry out the consultations and
to put in place the response mechanisms.
The EZLN delegates were clear in affirming that they would
receive the commissioner's responses and that they had to carry
them to their base communities who would be, on the last instance,
who would decide to approve or not the official compromises. The
commissioner, for his part, returned to Mexico to present a report
to the Republic's president, who was always informed of what was
being offered by his representative.
However, public opinion's attention has shifted to the
national political stage while the zapatistas temporarily
disappeared from the focus of interest. Nevertheless, the effect of
their mobilization and statements have already left a profound
imprint in all spheres of national life. Now, the big question
remains, what means will the government use to initiate effective
responses which may materialize the acquired compromises.
In this sense, a first conflict theme has already emerged and
has summoned the probable new actors in the process. Some of the
predictable changes derived from the EZLN demands require
legislative reforms. This presupposes the summoned of an
extraordinary congress session. Now the representatives of
political parties will be the ones who appear defying the
presidential system's capacity and the compromises acquired during
the negotiation process. Some of them argue that accepting these
compromises implies submitting to the will of a group which they do
not recognise as representative. In essence this is more a form of
political confrontation.
It seems that, at least for some time, the visible actors of
the process initiated by the uprising will be located at the centre
of the country's traditional political life. The Executive, in
turn, is committed to its word through the dialogue process
accepted under those circumstances. On the other side, the
political actors, leaders and representatives in government
instances, confront the necessity to respond to demands which
acquired national proportions.
These latter ones can not forget or disregard the increasing
support receive from diverse sectors, organised or not, by the
demands. The broad support mobilizations, but also the activation
of organised indigenous movements in other regions, are eloquent
proves of this fact.
The proximity of the elections and the political atmosphere
have began to regain public opinion's attention with respect to
candidates and campaigns. The deadline for registration forced the
media to focalise its attention on the definitions to that regard.
For now, the Commissioner for peace and reconciliation, whose
participation in the electoral process has been subject to
speculation, has taken a cautious distance arguing the prevalence
of his commission.
Rodolfo Casillas R.
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DIRECTORY OF HUMAN RIGHTS INSTITUTIONS
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Human Rights Institutions that have more information about the
situation in Chiapas
Centro de Derechos Humanos "Fray Bartolom de las Casas" (CDHFBC)
5 de Febrero No. 6
Apdo. Postal 178
29200 San Crist"bal de las Casas, Chis.
Tel: (967) 835-48
Fax: (967) 835-51
E-Mail: Internet: cdh-bcasas@laneta.apc.org
CHILTAK, A.C.
Flavio A. Paniagua No. 20 B.
Barrio del Cerrillo
Apdo. Postal 179
29220 San Crist"bal de las Casas, Chis.
Tel y Fax: (967) 838-68
E-Mail: Internet: chiltak@laneta.apc.org
Centro de Derechos Humanos "Fray Francisco de Vitoria, O.P.", A.C.
(CDHFV)
Odontolog!a No. 35. Col. Copilco Universidad.
04360 M xico, D.F.
Tel: 659-67-97
Fax: 659-38-23
E-Mail: Internet: cdh-fvitoria@laneta.apc.org
Centro Nacional de Comunicaci"n Social, A.C. (CENCOS)
Medell!n 33, Col. Roma
06700 M xico, D.F.
Tels: 533-6475 y 76. Fax: 208-2062
E-Mail: Internet: cencos@laneta.apc.org
Comisi"n Nacional de Derechos Humanos
Perif rico Sur 3469
Col. San Jer"nimo L!dice.
10200 M xico, D.F.
Tel: 681-8125. Fax: 669-4076
Comisi"n Mexicana de Defensa y Promoci"n de los Derechos Humanos,
A.C. (CMPDH)
Pit goras No. 736, 3er.piso. Col. Narvarte.
03020 M xico, D.F.
Tels: 687-5483, 659-6797 y 511-9097
Fax: 669-4076
Servicios Informativos Procesados, A.C. (SIPRO)
Prosperidad No. 31
Col. Escand"n
11800 M xico, D.F.
Tel y Fax: 277-47-91
E-Mail: Internet: sipro@laneta.apc.org
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DIRECTORY
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Communications Program Coordinator of the AMDH: Ma. Yolanda
Arguello. Special Bulletin Coordinator: Rodolfo Casillas R.;
Editorial Staff: Ana Laura Correa, Maricela Contreras, Mar!a P!a
Lara and Rodolfo Casillas R. Traslation: Marcela R!os E-Mail:
Miguel Acosta V.
If you wish to recieve the following numbers of our Special
Bulletin, please write or phone:
Academia Mexicana de Derechos Humanos, A.C.
Filosof!a y Letras # 88. Col. Copilco Universidad.
04360 M xico D.F.
Tels. 659-87-64 y 659-49-80. Fax 658-72-79.
E-mail: AMDH (internet: amdh@laneta.apc.org)
Note: This Bulletin and the previous ones are located in the APC
Networks and in Internet (Peacnet) CARNET.MEXNEWS
amdh (internet: amdh@laneta.apc.org)
* Origin: Acad Mex Derechos Humanos, AC (3:970/4.193)