(QUOTE FROM La Jornada of the said document:)
"AsI tambiEn, nos manifestamos en contra de las pretendidas
reformas al artIculo quinto, fracciOn segunda, que habla
de que son obligaciones de los habitantes acrecentar el
espIritu de solidaridad humana; evitar la discriminaciOn y
desprecio hacia los pueblos indIgenas; fomentar en sus hijos
el aprecio por nuestros orIgenes, respeto y admiraciOn por
los indIgenas...
"Consideramos esa reforma discriminatoria al resto de la
poblaciOn. Pensamos que la discriminaciOn se debe reprobrar
en cualquier sentido que sea, y ademAs nos parece impropio
fomentar en nuestros hijos el respeto y la admiraciOn por
los indIgenas, ya que por el solo hecho de serlo no encontramos
en ello causa alguna de admiraciOn, dado que nadie tiene ni
mErito ni culpa de nacer cOmo ni donde naciO (sic).
The document added that "all protectionist legislation produces handicapped
and irresponsible citizens, and it produces more harm than good in the long
term".
The governor, who is of indigenous origin, said that he would analyze
and answer the document. The businessmen also expressed opposition to
agrarian justice because, they said, it invites more land take overs by
peasants with the pretext of investigating illegal practices of land
ownership.
2. Human Rights Watch, and Physicians for Human Rights critized the General
Justice Department in Mexico for discarding the case against the Mexican
Army for the shooting of five prisioners of the Zapatista Army in the
marketplace of Ocosingo. The Zapatista Army took over Ocosingo on January 1,
but was driven out of the town by the Mexican Army a few days later. The
Human Rights organizations said that the investigation was defective and
contradictory. According to the Justice Department the victims were
summarily executed, but it discarded the participation of the army because
the shootings were estimated to have occured between 2 and 3 o'clock in the
afternoon, and the army had not reach the downtown area of Ocosingo. The HR
organizations said that that was not true based on news reports of the time,
and also a report by the Justice Department itself that cites a witness who
head heavy fire near the marketplace at 2:30 pm. The HR organizations also
mentioned that the Justice Department report also contradicts the facts
because one of the five persons killed in the market was last seen alive on
a bus that other Zapatista soldiers took to leave the town. The bus was
bullet riddled near an Army base, and all the passangers were found dead. 10
of the 14 people riding in the bus have not been identified yet.
3. In a letter to La Jornada, news reporters from that newspaper reported
that they are being followed by cars and increasingly intimidated by phone
calls in San Cristobal de las Casas. Conservative groups in that town had
asked that La Jornada, and the local newspaper El Tiempo were banned because
of their coverage of the armed conflict.
4. La Jornada reports on April 28 that 65 people were arrested for illegal
ocupation of land plots in Chiapas. Take overs of land by peasants have
been a common situation in Mexico over the years. After the Zapatista
uprisign at the beginning of the year, the number of land take overs in
Chiapas increased significantly. Land owners demanded immeidate action by
the Government. The State Council of Indigenous and Peasant Organizations
(CEOIC) had been accused for organizing the take overs, and its leader had
been arrested under criminal charges. After hesitation from the part of the
Government, the Justice Department came to an agreement with CEOIC that
established that no land take overs by peasants would be tolerated after
April 14. A CEOIC spokesman said CEOIC had not organized land take overs
after that date.
5. The political campaign of PRI Presidential candidate Zedillo was devoted
entirely to the question of insecurity and lawlessness yesterday (April 27,
1994). Excelsior and La Jornada quoted Zedillo as saying that "We can no
longer tolerate that an insignificant minority keeps Mexican society on
check. It's the time to show that the State and society will subdue [those
minorites]." The statements on the subject by Zedillo were echoed by Mexican
government officials of the Police and Justice Departments who made
statements regarding new measures to combat crime. [MORE OF THIS IN THE
MEXICO94 LIST. WHAT IS NOTICEABLE IN ZEDILLO'S DECLARATIONS IS THAT HE
DIDN'T REFERED EXPLICITLY TO CHIAPAS. VE].
Subject: Mexico: Anarchist Interview with Subcomandante Marcos
Comments: Warning -- original Sender: tag was rich@PENCIL.CS.MISSOURI.EDU
FROM AN ANTI-AUTHORITARIAN PERSPECTIVE: INTERVIEW WITH INSURGENT
SUBCOMMANDER MARCOS OF THE ZAPATISTA NATIONAL LIBERATION ARMY (EZLN) [Early
April] By Bill Weinberg
What kind of support do you need from your sympathizers in the United
States? What should we be doing?
Well, we have a lot of necessities here because the federal army has
surrounded us. For our troops, that is not a problem, but the civilian
population here is suffering a lot. They lack necessities like food,
clothes, medicine. Even the children. Our people, the civilian people here,
cannot go to the city to buy such necessities, because the federal army can
take them prisoner and "disappear" them. So our people are under very strong
conditions of war, even if it is not one of bullets and guns now, but the
"dirty war" that the government is making against us. The only chance that
we have is support from other people, from Mexico, and from Mexicans in
other parts of the world. I mean, we know that in the States there are a lot
of people whose families are Mexican Indian people ...
But what about anglos and other folks who aren't Mexican or Indian who
support the struggle? What can we do?
We have a lot of necessities. The first concerns the federal government--the
government of Salinas. They have made a big lie about our country. They say
that our country is free, without serious economic or social problems, a
good partner for the NAFTA. His government is making a big publicity
campaign for other people in other parts of the world, principally the
Unites States. So it is imperative for us that the world know that Mexican
people, especially Indian people, are not in the life condition that Salinas
says--as you can see in this trip that you have made here. We need people in
the Unites States to create counter-propaganda to that of the Mexican
federal government, and get out the truth, against the lie of Salinas.
Salinas wants to isolate our struggle, contain it to only one part of
Mexico, and only one part of Chiapas. He says that what we are fighting for
are not concerns elsewhere in the country. But it is a lie again. He made an
agreement with Canada and the Unites States in NAFTA. When he shook hands on
this agreement, he was playing with the lives of a lot of Indian people. You
cannot shake hands on an agreement like that without staining your hands
with blood.
But the federal government is very sophisticated with its publicity. If the
truth is known in all parts of the world, especially the United States, it
would be a great help to us. That is the first thing.
There is another kind of help. You can see that here there are many children
without anything-- without food, without healthcare, without education,
without good houses. So organizations that help the poor in other parts of
the world should notice us. Our movement is a true movement. There are no
strangers or foreigners behind us. We are all Mexicans, and the big majority
of our army are Indian people. We think the government is Lying to us with
their promises to solve our problems. We don't trust anymore in this
government. But our needs remain, and maybe we have to rely on people in
other parts of the world to help us. I repeat, our troops are surrounded,
and the civilian population here needs such necessities as food and
clothes...
Who can we work with here in Mexico to get you donations?
One way is through the non-governmental organizations here in Mexico, like
the Red Cross, the non-governmental human rights groups, the Diocese of
Bishop Samuel Ruiz. Or come here yourselves, and we will receive this help
with plenty of thanks.
If we can get it through the army checkpoints ...
Well, the federal army doesn't interfere with American people, because they
are afraid of the American government.
Some of your early statements back in the first days of the uprising in
January spoke about fighting for socialism, and marching on Mexico City.
Almost immediately, your rhetoric changed to what it is now--demands for
democracy and indigenous autonomy. So what prompted the change? And when
you talk about "socialism", what do you mean? What kind of socialism?
Socialism like in Cuba?
The directorate of our army has never spoken about Cuban or Soviet
socialism. We have always spoken about the basic rights of the human.
Education, housing, health, food, land, good pay for our work, democracy,
liberty. Some people may call this socialism. But it doesn't matter what
name you give these demands. In Mexico there is no democracy. So it doesn't
matter what you think, ,or what your political goal is. Because only the
political goal of the government party wins-- always wins.
We say, make a democratic space, make enough liberty so that you can explain
your ideas. It doesn't matter what kind of ideas--communism or socialism or
capitalism or lo que quiere, whatever you want. With democracy and liberty,
you can tell the people, "I want this, follow me." And if the majority
follow you, you will win. But this doesn't exist. Now, it doesn't matter if
people follow you, what kind of government you want, or your political
ideas. The people doesn't matter for the government. It is always the
government's political ideas and economic projects which are imposed on the
people. So we don't want any more of this. We want to find ways to resolve
our own problems. When there is democracy, we can decide which leaders were
agree with--and by "we", I mean the people, not the Zapatista Army.
The federal government does not represent us. We want to follow our own
Mexican way to democracy and liberty and justice.
And what about socialism?
The kind of life we want--life with good food, good land, good health, good
education, good work, democracy, independence, justice and peace--if you
want to call it socialism, OK, call it that. But we are not a clichi' of
Cuban socialism, or Castrismo or Sendero Luminoso. If you want to call it
Mexican socialism or the Mexican way to liberty, that's a good name for it.
Have you been influenced by anarchism at all, especially Magonismo, the
Mexican anarchist tradition?
Basically, all of our thoughts about the workers and campesinos and the
revolution are taken from Flores Magsn, Francisco Villa, Emiliano Zapata.
Their ideas about the farm workers, the workers in the cities, the hopes of
liberty, are our inspiration for this movement.
You've said that you don't want any more ecological reserves for the
Lacandon Selva. How do you envision protecting what remains of Mexico's last
rainforest?
Well, look. We don't agree with this preoccupation with the trees over the
death of our people. We say, we want trees. We want the mountains. But we
also want a dignified life for our people. So we say, if the government
makes a good plan and the people have what they need, they will not have to
attack the trees and mountains. The government just declares by decree that
there will be no more cutting of trees.
We say, we don't want to cut the trees. Because the mountain is very
important for Indian people. It is a part of their tradition and their
history. So we agree, we say, "No, there should be no more cutting of
trees--but give me the life conditions for another way, so I will no longer
have the necessity to cut the trees. I will take good care of this mountain,
I will take good care of these trees, and I will take care for the future of
my child, from one generation to another generation. But now my people have
no way to live other than to cut trees and burn them. That is the only way
we can find land." I mean here there are no tractors, here there is no
machinery; there is nothing for the Indian people. There is no option but to
cut the trees, burn them, and put the seed in the land. It doesn't matter
how the land is taken when you are hungry.
The average production here from one hectare is less than half what it is in
other parts of the country. In other parts of the country, its about eight
tons per hectare. Here in the Selva Lacandona the average is about a
half-ton per hectare. There is no justice for us. And our land, you can see,
with good work, and some technology, could produce.
What about land redistribution? What about taking land away from the
ganaderos [ranchers] and fincas [plantations], and giving it to the
campesinos?
Yes. This is the second way to make a better life for our peasants. I mean,
this land was originally for the Indian people. The white people, the big
farmers and ranchers, imposed their force over the Indian people and pushed
them up into the mountains. You can see that here the good land is on the
fincas.--the plains, the valleys. The Indians have the rocky lands in the
mountains. But the Indian sees the good land below and says, "Originally,
this was my land, so I have the right to recover it."
The big farmer says, "they have stolen my land, they have stolen my cattle."
But my people say, "before you were even born, my grandparents made their
life here."
So, our lands cannot produce with this injustice. We need redistribution
of the land. But that is not all we need.
?Que mas?
We need roads, water, schools, hospitals, technology--like tractors, like
planes. So even if the land is producing, the next question is the price.
You can grow a good crop of coffee, but when you take it to the city, the
coyote, the intermediary, thinks, "you don't speak Spanish, so I can lie to
you and cheat you." You can bring in one hundred pounds of coffee and he
will say it is only fifty. He will say that the quality isn't good, and he
can only pay you half price. And you have to walk four or five days from
your village to get to the city, so you just take the money. You can't bear
the thought of carrying your hundred pounds of coffee back to the village.
So the Indian people face very complex structures of exploitation. I've
implicated the federal government, the big farmers, the coyotes, the
municipal governments, the police, the army. Over all these there are a lot
of people who are living with the blood of Indian people. People don't
understand this in other countries. They think that Mexico is Acapulco, it's
Cancun, it's Puerto Vallarta, Guadalajara, Monterrey, Mexico City. They
think that the Indians just make pretty clothes, they are curiosities. They
cannot even imagine that these people are dying.
There's been speculation that helicopters which were donated to Mexico by
the United States for the War on Drugs have been used against the civilian
population here in Chiapas. Do see the War on Drugs as a significant factor
in the militarization of Mexico and Indian lands?
There's no speculation. The people saw the choppers that said PGR [the
Mexican Attorney General's office], and we know the American government
gives the PGR choppers to fight against drug dealers. But everybody knows
that there are no drugs in our territory. The DEA knows it. The federal army
knows it. The PGR knows it. All they have to do is look at their maps and
their satellite pictures.
The Indian people who were attacked from these helicopters with machine guns
and bombs--they don't have anything. If they were trafficking drugs--well,
look at their houses. Where are the big trucks, the luxury?
A lot of people, even journalists, saw these choppers fight in San
Cristsbal, fight in Ocosingo, fight in Altamirano, fight in Las Margaritas.
We sent a letter to Bill Clinton about this problem, and we never received
an answer. The choppers are even now in the airport at Tuxtla Gutierrez,
ready to strike again.
Would you support the legalization of drugs as a means to undercut this kind
of militarization?
Well, we must think about this, reflect on it. But our problems are very
urgent. I mean, our problem is dire survival, and our principal work is in
this direction.
During the 1 980s in Guatemala and El Salvador, after rebel movements
emerged there was terrible repression. Whole villages were massacred. How do
you hope to avoid such a scenario in Chiapas?
The only way is that our movement becomes national. If our war gains support
all around the country, then the army can't take one place and make a total
effort against us. If the war is only here, of course the federal army can
put all of its force against us. But if there are a lot of guerrillas, or
social movements, against the government, we can divide their forces.
In any case, our people are prepared for resistance. We are training the
civilian people to resist an attack. But this resistance will cost a lot. So
it would be better if there was a push against the government, if there was
civil pressure on the government to change direction, not in their own
interests, but in the interests of the people of Mexico. The political exit
would be better. I hope that it is possible. But if it is not possible, we
will continue the war.
What do you think is to be learned from the experience of the rebels in
Guatemala, who often let the Indian civil population suffer the worst of the
repression?
Well, we think our principal effort must be directed towards a national
revolutionary movement that could incorporate a lot of forces. Not only the
forces of-the Zapatista National Liberation Army. I mean, other political
forces, cultural forces. Our problems are the same problems faced in other
parts of the country. We are learning about what happened in other parts of
Latin America, in Guatemala, El Salvador, Nicaragua. When the guerrilla
provided the direction for all the movements, there were a lot of problems
of division, unity became impossible. So we must find the right flag to
incorporate all the ways of struggle.
Are you optimistic that there can be a peaceful solution, or do you think
that there's going to be more violence?
We see a lot of signs of violence. We don't see any signal of peace. We are
very skeptical about the peace process. Some parts of the government say,
"OK, make a deal." But other parts of the government say "no, the strong
hand is better." The big farmers don't want peace. They just want to
protect their land, and they don't want the Indians to live in the same
state as the white people. I mean, the big farmers have been educated to
think that they are the aristocracy. They think the Indian people should
only serve the white people. Equality? They don't want to hear about it. You
are dealing with very reactionary people. In their minds, it is still
centuries ago. So we are making an effort for peace, but if it is impossible
...
You're prepared.
We'll fight, of course. We are prepared for a long war. I'm talking about
years and years of war, throughout the mountains of the southeast of
Mexico.
Do you think there's a threat of US military intervention?
Whenever we talk to the American media, we say, "we don't want to attack the
White House. We want to live with dignity." Our demands are the same demands
of the American people--I mean, the average American people. So why should
they want to fight us?
Because the American government has a whole lot riding on NAFTA.
But do you want a NAFTA with blood on it? We don't want a NAFTA written with
the blood of Indian people. If you want a NAFTA, make some kind of reform to
incorporate Indian people. Because Indian people will not die without a
fight. This is our message to the American people. Let us live with dignity,
understand us. If you understand our situation, our reasons for fighting,
the American people will not want to go to fight against Mexican people. We
are trusting in this.
NEWS concerning other political developments have been posted to the
MEXICO94 list.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
Comments from NativeNet moderator, Gary Trujillo (gst@gnosys.svle.ma.us):
This information was copied by Glenn Welker (gwelker@mail.lmi.org) from
the CHIAPAS-L mailing list. For more information about that list, please
see the article that Glenn posted to NATIVE-L on 15 March. You can obtain
a copy of that article by sending a message to "listserv@tamvm1.tamu.edu"
containing the text:
// job echo=no
database search dd=rules
//rules dd *
select * in native-l.6680
print all
/*
If you want more information on how to use the database search feature, so
that you can scan the archives of NATIVE-L, which go back to early 1991,
or those of other NativeNet lists (NAT-EDU, NAT-LANG, NAT-HLTH, NAT-1492),
just include a line containing "get nn-intro archives native-l" right after
the "// job" line in this message. Make sure there is at least one space
after the "//" in that line, but *no* spaces after the "//" in "//rules."
(Use the numeral "1" in "tamvm1" and the letter "l" in "native-l").
Archives of articles posted to CHIAPAS-L are also available from the
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