Members of the Colombian Indigenous movement are now trying to critically
evaluate the movement's political participation in order to surpass the
constraints that have kept many Indigenous objectives out of reach. The
following article reflects this process of self-criticism, as well as the
movement's search for new solutions.
Alfonso Palma Capera is the former president of the National Indigenous
Organization of Colombia (ONIC). Oskar Benjamin Gutirrez is a journalist
and ONIC collaborator.
Without doubt one of the worst "headaches" that the Indigenous movement has
endured is the problem of electoral participation. In 1990, when Lorenzo
Muelas, Alfonso Pe=F1a Chepe and Francisco Rojas Birry participated in
construction of Colombia's new constitution they were sure that it would be
extremely difficult to carry out the reforms they were outlining. Four
years and two parliamentary elections later, Indigenous political
participation-within those spaces that Indigenous people themselves have
forced open-is in deep crisis due to the political inexperience of
Indigenous representatives, lack of unity among Indigenous organizations
and parties, and failure to skillfully manage relationships with the
government.
On March 13 of this year, Indigenous communities elected Lorenzo Muelas and
Gabriel Mujuy as their representatives to the Senate thanks to the system
of Special Electoral Districting (CEE), one of the most important political
achievements of the Colombian Indigenous movement.
Article 176 of the revised constitution created the CEE as a system
reserving two seats in the senate for Indigenous candidates. The CEE allows
Indigenous "lists" (names on the party ticket) registered under the special
district to compete for these seats independently of the senate races for
the other one hundred seats within the National Electoral District. The
Indigenous movement won the CEE through its advanced level of organization
in a bitter struggle with the traditional institutions. It should not in
any way be seen as a gift from the Colombian state.
The proliferation of candidates this year-eight different Indigenous
lists-reflected the movement's lack of unity. In many cases, the vote was
split even within the same ethnic group. Many Indigenous people who wanted
to support their own cause did not know for whom to vote. Not knowing the
candidates, the electorate was forced to decide "by sight" which candidate
on the ballot seemed to represent their cause. The Indigenous candidates
used their experience in previous elections, and attempted to extend their
appeal to the population in general and capture votes in non-Indigenous
communities. This may explain why only three Indigenous parties registered
their list under the CEE, while five sought office through the National
Electoral District, competing with the other political groups under equal
conditions.
The results were clear. On one hand, the Indigenous vote was diluted. This
reflects disunity and lack of coordination among so many candidates, but it
also reflects the immense level of abstention among ethnic minorities. On
the other hand, the large number of votes obtained by some Indigenous
candidates in the urban areas suggests that non-Indian voters looked to
Indigenous candidates as an alternative capable of generating debate with
the traditional parties.
First Experience Three different lists registered for the 1992 senate and
chamber of deputies elections. The first was headed by Gabriel Muyuy for
the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC); the second, was
backed by the Indigenous Authorities of Colombia (AICO) headed by Floro
Alberto Tunubal; and the third, that of the Indigenous Social Alliance
headed by Antonio Quir=E1 Gau=F1a was created by a faction of the
Indigenous movement especially for electoral participation and registered
within the national district. =46or the first time in Colombian history,
three Indians held seats in the senate as representatives of their own
communities.
The Indigenous lists succeeded in that moment largely due to their use of
an Indigenous program of action titled "The Colombia that We Want." This
platform reflected a conception of Indians not as islands, but as part of a
diverse country, and reached out to all the sectors of the country. It was
grounded in culture, plurality and tolerance and called the nation-state's
attention to a new and independent discourse with alternative proposals.
This proposal was elaborated by working groups at the local, regional and
national levels during the National Constitutional Assembly. These groups
sought to develop a clear legislative agenda and plan the new
constitution's design and implementation. These work groups, however, were
not re-assembled in following years, and the task of continuing to develop
an Indigenous policy was left to the regional organizations which
generally lack the advice and resources available to Indigenous Senators.
The Problems Increase
In spite of the political space obtained, the participation and influence
of Indigenous peoples in projects and discussions has been limited due to
the disadvantage of having only two senators as compared to ninety from
the Conservative and Liberal parties and ten from other sectors. In
addition to the corruption of these political entities, Indigenous
representatives' programs have received little respect. As a politically
inexperienced minority, the Indigenous representatives have not been able
to resist the machinations of the traditional parties.
Confusion Between Organizations and Parties
In addition, the Indigenous movement suffers serious internal problems. The
organizations have not completed enough basic work with their members to
help them differentiate clearly between the political campaigns and their
organizations. Regional organizations frequently support their members'
political campaigns without first drawing lines to distinguish the two
activities. In this way leaders of some organizations enter political life
and never return to work with their organizations. This situation has made
many indigenous organizations skeptical and concerned about the
relationship between politics and the organizations. For this reason the
National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC) did not endorse any
candidate in this election and does not plan to do so in the future,
considering that doing so could deepen existing divisions.
Alliances and Alternatives
In order to gain access to public office, Indigenous candidates have sought
the support of different movements that do not represent Indigenous
interests. Several of the Indigenous candidates ran with the Conservative
and Liberal parties. In consequence, many Colombians who previously saw the
Indian candidates as a respite from the political panorama were
disappointed at these alliances and the appearance that the Indian parties
were immediately falling into the same old political customs. These doubts
have been reinforced by the inefficiencies and irresponbilities of
candidates who obtained some important seats (mayors, congressmen,
senators), but who lacked training and experience in government.
Minorities Supported?
Operation of the special electoral district which Indian groups fought for
so long to establish is now being questioned. Its establishment probably
numerically increases minority representation and permits those sectors
less involved with traditional politics to reach office. But there is also
the risk that this mechanism could distort the expression of the ethnic
communities political will. Since voting within the special districts is
not closely regulated, majorities may end up deciding who is elected in the
name of the minorities. Many sectors within Colombia request a stricter
regulation of the Districting, in order to strengthen the ethnic
communities' participation.
The problems described above have resulted in the loss of many votes of
those Colombians who did not find new or "clean" candidates or programs for
government.
The Colombian Indigenous movement is now suffering from a state of apathy,
finding hope only in what new laws can offer, rather than pressuring the
State through marches and mobilizations. The presence of the Indian
parliamentarians has helped establish the fundamental rights of ethnic
groups and to open spaces for participation. However, it is now necessary
for them to work toward reconstruction of their own fragmented forces in
order to jointly face the traditional political establishment. Common
proposals must be elaborated to form an electoral strategy capable of
uniting with other sectors proposals who have traditionally shown
solidarity with Indigenous peoples. The Indigenous movement is committed to
this end, and the communities themselves will verify its development.
This article is from the Fall 1994 (Vol. 8, No. 3) issue of Abya Yala News,
the quarterly journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center
(SAIIC). Subscriptions are $15 a year (4 issues) for individuals, $25 for
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----
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